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KETRACO SGR Deal
Crime & Investigations

Scam? Questions Mount as KETRACO Deletes Webpage on KSh24.2 Billion Deal Signed Under Fernandes Barasa

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

Fresh questions are emerging over a controversial Sh24.2 billion Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) electrification deal after the Kenya Electricity Transmission Company Limited (KETRACO) quietly deleted key webpages detailing the project, which was signed in 2018 under the leadership of then Managing Director Fernandes Barasa.

The deleted webpage had announced the signing of a $240 million (approximately Sh24.2 billion) contract between KETRACO and China Electric Power Equipment and Technology Company Limited, promising to electrify the Mombasa–Nairobi SGR line and have electric trains running by 2021.

A screengrab of the deleted webpage on the KETRACO website.

It is now 2026, and the SGR continues to operate on diesel-powered locomotives, raising concerns that the ambitious electrification project may have been nothing more than a paper deal.

Screenshots of the now-deleted page, which have been circulating online, show KETRACO once celebrated the agreement as a major milestone in modernising Kenya’s flagship railway project. The disappearance of the page has triggered suspicions of a possible cover-up and renewed scrutiny of decisions made during Barasa’s tenure.

The development comes amid growing accountability pressure on KETRACO, particularly after Auditor General Nancy Gathungu revealed that the agency owes landowners more than Sh4 billion in unpaid compensation linked to various transmission projects.

At the time of signing the SGR electrification deal in January 2018, KETRACO announced plans to construct 14 substations along the 472-kilometre railway corridor, with completion expected within 28 months. Fernandes Barasa publicly championed the project, touting zero carbon emissions, lower operating costs, faster trains, and expanded economic activity along the corridor.

However, doubts about the project’s feasibility surfaced almost immediately. Then Kenya Railways Managing Director Atanas Maina questioned whether Kenya had sufficient power supply and financing capacity to sustain an electric railway. Those concerns were later echoed by then Transport Cabinet Secretary James Macharia, who told Parliament that the country lacked both the guaranteed electricity supply and the financial muscle to support SGR electrification.

In a little-noticed clarification issued after the signing ceremony, KETRACO admitted that the agreement was only a commercial contract and not a financing deal. The agency stated that the contract would only take effect after the National Treasury secured funding—something that never happened.

“KETRACO has not borrowed any loan for the electrification of the SGR Project,” the agency said at the time, sharply contradicting earlier triumphant messaging suggesting the project was ready for implementation.

Critics are now asking why KETRACO publicly announced a Sh24.2 billion contract without secured financing, and whether the move was misleading by design or a result of gross mismanagement.

The controversy has revived scrutiny of Fernandes Barasa’s tenure at KETRACO, which was marred by several high-profile scandals. Barasa, now the Governor of Kakamega County, previously faced investigations by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission over the Sh18 billion lost in penalties related to the delayed Lake Turkana Wind Power transmission line, as well as unexplained excess payments and irregular transactions.

Former KETRACO MD and Kakamega Governor Fernandes Barasa.

His resignation from KETRACO in 2022, shortly before appearing before Parliament’s Public Investments Committee, was widely viewed as controversial.

The SGR electrification saga also highlights Kenya’s growing embarrassment when compared to regional peers. Ethiopia completed a 750-kilometre electric railway to Djibouti in 2016, while Morocco operates Africa’s first high-speed electric rail. Tanzania and Uganda are also planning electric SGR systems, raising fears that Kenya’s diesel railway could face interoperability challenges in the future.

Despite repeated requests, KETRACO has not explained why the webpage detailing the SGR electrification deal was deleted, who authorised the action, or whether any funds were ever paid to the Chinese contractor. Calls and emails to the agency’s current management went unanswered by the time of publication.

The silence has only fueled speculation that authorities may be attempting to erase public records of a failed or fictitious mega project.

As Kenyans continue to grapple with rising fuel costs and a struggling SGR that bleeds billions annually, the unanswered questions surrounding the Sh24.2 billion electrification deal remain glaring.

Was the project a genuine plan that collapsed, or a costly illusion sold to the public? And why, eight years later, does KETRACO appear more eager to delete evidence than to provide answers?

For now, the deleted webpage has become a symbol of broken promises, missing accountability, and a growing public demand to know what really happened to Kenya’s Sh24.2 billion.

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Del Monte Kenya
Business

Del Monte Exposed: Tribunal Slams Pineapple Giant With KSh1.76B Tax Bill Over Offshore Profit Shifting

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

Multinational pineapple producer caught red-handed siphoning profits offshore while ordinary Kenyans shoulder crippling tax burden

The veil has been lifted on one of Kenya’s most brazen corporate tax scandals, with Del Monte Kenya now facing a KSh1.76 billion bill after a tribunal exposed how the multinational used shadowy offshore deals to rob the country of desperately needed public funds.

In a damning ruling that has sent shockwaves through Kenya’s corporate sector, the Tax Appeals Tribunal dismissed Del Monte’s appeal and upheld the Kenya Revenue Authority’s assessment, confirming what ordinary Kenyans have long suspected: some of the country’s biggest and most profitable companies are systematically cheating the tax system while workers and small businesses are squeezed to breaking point.

The case centers on transfer pricing, a complex financial maneuver that allows multinationals to manipulate the prices they charge their own foreign subsidiaries, artificially slashing their Kenyan profits and shifting billions to tax havens where rates are lower or non-existent.

KRA’s 2018 audit uncovered that Del Monte was using a cost-plus pricing model that grossly undervalued its Kenyan operations while funneling inflated profits to related companies abroad, particularly its Swiss affiliate DMI GmbH. The tribunal found the pineapple giant could not justify why it was earning modest returns in Kenya, where all the real work happens, while its offshore entities raked in the profits.

“The tribunal found that the pineapple giant could not justify why it was shifting profits to offshore companies when the real value of the business is created in Kenya,” the ruling stated, laying bare the mechanics of corporate tax abuse.

Del Monte had argued it was simply following a standard cost-plus approach, applying a meager 4.83 percent markup to its costs when selling to its Swiss sister company. The firm insisted this was fair compensation for its role as a manufacturer supplying a related distributor.

But the tribunal was having none of it. Judges ruled that Del Monte’s documentation failed to reflect the economic reality of its massive Kenyan operations. The company could not explain why the Kenyan business, which does all the planting, harvesting, processing and initial distribution, should earn only a pittance while foreign affiliates that simply handle onwards sales captured the lion’s share of profits.

The ruling also exposed Del Monte’s attempts to obscure its corporate structure. The company claimed a multi-billion shilling intercompany loan came from Del Monte Fund B.V., owned by its ultimate parent in the Cayman Islands, a notorious tax haven. But KRA presented registry records proving the lending entity was actually wholly owned by the Swiss affiliate, a finding Del Monte could not refute with official documentation.

The KSh1.76 billion that Del Monte sought to avoid paying could have transformed lives across Kenya. According to the Kenya Human Rights Commission, which welcomed the tribunal’s decision, that money could build 1,760 public school classrooms, construct eight fully equipped county hospitals, tarmac 29 kilometers of road, employ over 3,500 nurses or teachers for a year, or fund multiple rural water projects.

Instead, while Del Monte contested billions in taxes through expensive legal battles, ordinary Kenyans were being told to tighten their belts, accept higher VAT on basic goods, and pay new levies on essential services.

The Kenya Human Rights Commission pulled no punches in its response, accusing Del Monte and other multinationals of looting what rightfully belongs to Kenyan citizens.

“For years, ordinary Kenyans have been told to tighten their belts, pay more VAT, and accept new levies on basic goods and services. However, some of the country’s largest and most profitable corporations, like Del Monte, continue to contest paying billions in taxes aggressively. This is unjust and unacceptable,” the commission said in a scathing press statement.

The rights body warned that corporate tax evasion weakens the state’s ability to deliver basic services and shifts the tax burden onto workers, small businesses and low-income households. When multinationals dodge taxes, children sit in overcrowded classrooms, patients go without medicine, and communities lack clean water.

KHRC revealed it is now examining other corporations, focusing on the land they occupy, the terms of their leases, and what they actually pay in land rates and taxes. Early findings suggest the scale of revenue loss will shock many Kenyans, especially at a time when households are strained by PAYE, VAT and rising levies on basic necessities.

The commission is demanding sweeping reforms to stop multinationals from bleeding the country dry. It wants all foreign corporations operating in Kenya to publicly disclose their revenues, profits, taxes paid, number of employees and assets for each country where they operate. It is calling for a dedicated, well-resourced program for annual transfer pricing audits targeting high-risk sectors like agribusiness, extractives, manufacturing, energy and digital services.

Where aggressive tax avoidance is proven, KHRC insists penalties must go beyond mere recovery of tax and interest to include heavy punitive fines and possible criminal investigations. The commission wants strict restrictions on the deductibility of management fees, marketing fees, royalties, and interest on related-party loans unless companies can demonstrate clear economic substance.

It is also demanding publication of an annual list of the largest corporate taxpayers and companies with major unresolved tax disputes, joint work with the Ministry of Lands to establish a public register linking large landholdings to tax records, and active challenges to treaty shopping and artificial routing of payments through low-tax jurisdictions.

Most provocatively, KHRC wants companies with histories of aggressive tax avoidance barred from receiving tax incentives, accessing public procurement or benefiting from any form of state support.

The Del Monte case is not an isolated incident but part of a broader pattern. KHRC’s 2025 publication “Who Owns Kenya?” revealed how corporate tax abuse fuels inequality and leaves essential public services underfunded. The report showed that while multinationals employ armies of accountants and lawyers to minimize their tax bills, schools crumble, hospitals run out of drugs, and roads remain impassable.

Tax justice campaigners say Kenya loses billions annually to profit shifting by multinationals. A 2024 study estimated that African countries collectively lose around $88.6 billion per year to illicit financial flows, with transfer pricing abuse being a major component. Kenya is believed to lose between $1.1 billion and $1.5 billion annually, though the true figure may be higher given the opacity of multinational operations.

The global context makes Kenya’s predicament even more galling. Multinationals operating in Africa often pay far lower effective tax rates than their statutory obligations would suggest, using intricate structures involving subsidiaries in places like Mauritius, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the Cayman Islands to minimize their African tax footprint.

Del Monte Kenya has not publicly commented on the tribunal ruling or indicated whether it will seek further appeals. The company’s managing director Wayne Cook has previously defended the firm’s tax practices as compliant with Kenyan law.

But the tribunal’s decision suggests that era may be ending. Tax authorities worldwide are cracking down on transfer pricing abuses, and Kenya appears determined to claim its fair share of the wealth generated on its soil.

For the millions of Kenyans struggling with the rising cost of living, the Del Monte case crystallizes a profound injustice. While they pay tax on every shilling they earn and every item they buy, some of the wealthiest corporations doing business in Kenya deploy sophisticated schemes to avoid contributing their fair share to the country that provides their workers, their infrastructure, their markets and ultimately their profits.

The question now is whether the Del Monte ruling marks a turning point or remains an isolated victory in a long war against corporate tax abuse. With KHRC and other civil society organizations now turning their spotlight on other multinationals, and with KRA apparently emboldened by its tribunal win, more corporate tax scandals may soon come to light.

What is certain is that ordinary Kenyans are watching, and they are running out of patience with a system that squeezes the poor while allowing the powerful to game the rules. The Del Monte case has proven that when authorities have the will to act, corporate tax dodgers can be held to account. Now Kenyans want to see that will applied across the board, to every multinational that treats Kenya as a place to extract wealth rather than a country deserving of fair contribution to the common good.

The KSh1.76 billion Del Monte must now pay is not just a number on a balance sheet. It represents classrooms that can be built, hospitals that can be equipped, roads that can be paved, and services that can be delivered. It represents a small measure of justice in a system that has for too long favored corporate interests over the public good.

As the tribunal put it bluntly: multinationals cannot use paperwork to export profits when the actual work, risks and value addition happen on Kenyan soil. That principle, if consistently enforced, could transform Kenya’s fiscal landscape and ensure that those who profit from Kenya also contribute to Kenya’s development.

The battle is far from over, but for once, the people of Kenya can claim a victory.

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Tourism CS Rebecca Miano at World governments summit in Dubai.
Business

Miano: Kenya Leveraging AI To Lead Next Era of Global Tourism

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

The government is embracing artificial intelligence and smart data as transformative tools to redefine the future of tourism, Tourism and Wildlife Cabinet Secretary Rebecca Miano announced during the ongoing World Governments Summit in Dubai.

Speaking during the ongoing World governments summit in Dubai, Miano emphasized that technology is no longer optional in the rapidly evolving travel landscape but central to building a resilient, inclusive, and globally competitive tourism sector.

“By leveraging AI and smart data to personalize the visitor experience and moving beyond talk to action with low-carbon solutions for conservation-led tourism, we are ensuring our local communities are the primary beneficiaries of the tourism value chain,” said Miano.

Tourism CS Rebecca Miano at the World Government Summit in Dubai.

According to the Cabinet Secretary, artificial intelligence is already opening new possibilities for the sector, from predictive analytics that help stakeholders understand travel patterns to intelligent platforms capable of tailoring itineraries based on visitor preferences.

“Truly, the world has majorly shifted — mass tourism is making way for purpose-driven travel, and Kenya is leading this charge,” she noted.

Miano made the remarks during a panel discussion at the Future of Tourism & Destination Global South forum alongside her Lebanese counterpart, Hon. Laura Lahoud, where she outlined Kenya’s roadmap toward a digitally-forward tourism ecosystem.

Beyond enhancing visitor experiences, smart data is set to strengthen conservation efforts by enabling real-time monitoring of ecosystems, improving park management, and supporting evidence-based decision-making. This approach aligns with Kenya’s longstanding commitment to ensuring that conservation and economic development go hand in hand.

At the sidelines of the summit, Miano also held a strategic bilateral meeting with the newly appointed UN Tourism Secretary-General, H.E. Shaikha Al Nowais, where they explored areas of cooperation in advancing sustainable tourism.

“As we congratulate H.E. Shaikha Al Nowais on her new role, Kenya looks forward to strengthening our partnership as we seek to upscale the tourism sector’s future workforce, attract more investments, and collaborate with other UN-led agencies and international organizations,” she said.

With destinations worldwide competing for digitally savvy travelers, Kenya is positioning itself at the forefront of innovation.

“The Global South is no longer a passive player; we are the new frontier of authenticity and innovation,” Miano affirmed.

As the country advances the Magical Kenya vision, the integration of AI and smart technologies is expected to drive smarter marketing, unlock new economic opportunities, and ensure that tourism growth remains sustainable, inclusive, and future-ready.

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Marjan Hussein Marjan
Latest News

Revealed: How IEBC Chair Ethekon Kicked Out CEO Marjan Hussein Marjan

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

In a dramatic move that shocked Kenya’s political establishment Tuesday evening, newly appointed IEBC Chairman Erastus Ethekon orchestrated the unceremonious exit of Chief Executive Officer Hussein Marjan, bringing down the curtain on more than a decade of service in the controversial 399 days before his contract was due to expire.

The bloodless coup at Anniversary Towers culminated in five commissioners being urgently recalled from a week-long workshop in Naivasha on Monday for a crisis meeting that sealed Marjan’s fate, with the executive’s future dissected in sessions held both in his presence and behind closed doors.

Sources privy to the boardroom drama revealed that Ethekon, barely seven months into his tenure as chairman, had been methodically building a case against Marjan since the commission was fully constituted last July, focusing on procurement decisions made when commissioners were absent and questions around the extension of the controversial Smartmatic contract.

The final act played out with surgical precision. When Marjan learned his days were numbered, he approached Ethekon seeking a dignified exit. The chairman obliged, offering a written confirmation that the departure would be by mutual consent. But in a twist that stunned the commission, Marjan returned on Friday at 5pm armed with legal counsel and a counter-proposal demanding full payment through March 2027 and compensation for unused leave.

That move proved fatal. Ethekon convened an emergency session on Monday afternoon with five commissioners, deliberately excluding Vice Chairperson Fahima Araphat Abdallah who was attending to private matters. The session, fully minuted, became the formal basis for terminating Marjan’s contract and marked the point of no return.

Commissioner Alutalala Mukhwana was first to arrive at Tuesday’s concluding meeting that began at 3:30pm, followed by Commissioner Anne Nderitu and Professor Francis Aduol. By 5:36pm, the verdict was sealed. When Marjan appeared at reception around 6pm, he found media already gathered, tipped off about the seismic shift underway. His terse “Sorry, I’m not going to speak to the media” response betrayed the tension of a man whose career had just been demolished.

The catalyst for Marjan’s downfall was a perfect storm of opposition pressure and internal discontent. Opposition leaders led by Wiper’s Kalonzo Musyoka had spent weeks demanding his removal, accusing him of hastily renewing Smartmatic’s contract when the commission was not in office. The company, which supplied the Kenya Integrated Elections Management System kits for the 2022 polls, has been dogged by controversy across multiple countries.

“We cannot have free and fair elections with Marjan at the IEBC,” Kalonzo had thundered at a funeral in Machakos County in January. “When there was no commission in place, he moved very fast and renewed Smartmatic’s contract. When the new commissioners came in, they found that he had already renewed those contracts. It was an illegal act.”

DAP-Kenya leader Eugene Wamalwa went further, demanding not just Marjan’s exit but his prosecution for abuse of office. The opposition’s fury was amplified by explosive allegations from a former Venezuelan military intelligence chief linking Smartmatic to election manipulation in multiple countries.

But it was not just external pressure that sealed Marjan’s fate. Inside the commission, questions swirled around procurement decisions and an Auditor-General’s report that raised governance concerns. During one particularly brutal confrontation, a commissioner pointedly asked Marjan whether his continued stay was sustainable given that the entire commission had lost confidence in him.

The sticking point was the Smartmatic contract extension. Commissioners discovered that a two-year extension approved in 2024 to expire at the end of 2026 had been signed unilaterally by the CEO when commissioners were not in office. Under IEBC’s standard operating procedures, all purchases of strategic election materials including ballot papers, voter registration kits, and ballot boxes must receive commissioner approval.

When Marjan attempted in November 2025 to extend the framework agreement to allow purchase of new equipment, commissioners flatly rejected the move. That rejection, sources say, was the beginning of the end.

Marjan’s final hours at IEBC were a study in contrasts. On Monday, he reported for duty at 8am and left at 3pm. It remains unclear whether he attended the meeting that ratified his contract termination. By Tuesday evening, he was penning an emotional farewell to staff, thanking them for “over decade of invaluable experience in elections management.”

“As I move on, I do so wiser, enriched and deeply grateful,” Marjan wrote, his words carefully chosen to maintain the fiction of mutual consent even as the walls closed in around him.

The timing of Marjan’s exit, coming just 15 months before the 2027 General Election, has raised eyebrows about the wisdom of such upheaval at a critical moment. But Ethekon was unrepentant, framing the move as necessary for institutional reform.

“The changes are meant to enhance effectiveness, efficiency, transparency, and accountability of the secretariat in service delivery to the people of Kenya,” the chairman declared in his statement, promising that the commission would embark on “critical reforms within the Secretariat.”

For Marjan, who joined IEBC as Deputy Commission Secretary in March 2015 and rose to become CEO in March 2022 after serving nearly five years in an acting capacity, the fall from grace has been swift and stunning. He shepherded the commission through the tumultuous 2022 General Election and held the fort when the electoral body operated without commissioners for months.

But in the cutthroat world of Kenya’s electoral politics, past service counts for little when new power arrives with its own vision. Ethekon, the 48-year-old Turkana native and former county attorney, had made clear during his vetting that he intended to restore integrity and public confidence in the commission.

His first major act as chairman has sent an unmistakable message: there is a new sheriff in town at Anniversary Towers, and he answers to no one but the Constitution and the Kenyan people. Whether this shake-up will indeed enhance the commission’s credibility or plunge it into fresh turmoil ahead of 2027 remains to be seen.

The commission has promised to announce an interim replacement “in due course” while the recruitment process for a substantive CEO begins. Marjan’s deputies, Ruth Kulundu and Obadiah Keitany, are scheduled to exit in March and May 2027 respectively, raising questions about whether they too might face the axe as Ethekon moves to put his stamp on the secretariat.

As Marjan clears his desk and contemplates his next move, one fact is inescapable: his tenure, which began with such promise and survived years of political turbulence, ended not with a bang but with a carefully worded statement about “mutual consent” that fooled no one who watched the drama unfold over those fateful 48 hours.

The real question now is whether Ethekon’s bold move will indeed deliver the credible, transparent electoral process he has promised or whether it has simply opened a new chapter of instability at Kenya’s most critical constitutional commission.

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Lifestyle

Why Nairobi Is to Blame for Your Bad Skin

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

If you have ever wondered why your skin feels dull, irritated or just not its best, Nairobi might be partly to blame.

Living in this fast-growing African city exposes your skin to a cocktail of stressors — from polluted air and contaminated food to stress and modern diets — that rural skin simply doesn’t have to deal with as intensely.

One of the biggest culprits is air pollution. Nairobi’s air struggles with high levels of particulate matter. Studies show that fine particulate matter in the city can average nearly four times higher than the World Health Organization’s recommended limit, largely due to traffic, old vehicles, waste burning and industrial emissions.

These tiny particles can penetrate the skin barrier and trigger oxidative stress, inflammation, and premature aging, which in turn worsens acne, dryness and pigmentation.

In contrast, air in rural parts of Kenya is generally cleaner, with fewer vehicles, less industrial activity and more vegetation to filter out pollutants. That means rural skin is less burdened by the same environmental assault.

But the city doesn’t stop at polluted air. Urban lifestyles introduce other skin stressors too. The pressure of city life; long work hours, constant connectivity and little sleep raises stress hormone levels like cortisol. Elevated cortisol can increase oil production and inflammation, making breakouts and dullness more common.

Then there’s the food. Nairobi residents often eat more processed and high-sugar foods due to busy schedules and easy availability. Ingredients commonly found in these foods like high-fructose syrups, trans fats and preservatives are linked to internal inflammation. This inflammation doesn’t just affect your heart or waistline; it can disrupt collagen production and stimulate acne. Rural diets, which rely more on fresh produce and traditional staples, typically expose the skin to fewer of these ingredients.

Add to that indoor pollution (from cooking with charcoal or paraffin in poorly ventilated homes found in some Nairobi neighborhoods) and heavy traffic dust and grime, and the city’s environment becomes a relentless assault on your skin barrier.

So, what can city dwellers do? Beyond systemic solutions like cleaner transport and better waste management, everyday habits help. Gentle, barrier-strengthening skincare can support skin under stress — especially products designed for sensitive, irritated skin.

Brands like Avene and Ducray, for example, focus on calming and hydrating stressed skin without harsh ingredients. Their formulas can help soothe inflammation and reinforce the skin’s protective layer, making it easier to cope with daily environmental threats.

In the end, Nairobi’s environment doesn’t have to sentence your skin to permanent damage — but understanding the why is the first step to healthier skin.

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Osman Erdinc Elsek
Crime & Investigations

Osman Erdinc Elsek: The Billionaire Refugee, the Glock Pistol, and the Shadow of Al-Shabaab

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

On the evening of January 12, somewhere between Vipingo and Kikambala on the rain-slicked Mombasa to Malindi Highway, a Toyota Land Cruiser V8 and a convoy of Orange Democratic Movement politicians collided in more ways than one. By the time the dust settled, two Turkish nationals were in custody, a Glock pistol had been seized, and within forty-eight hours, the Anti-Terrorism Police Unit was before a Mombasa court alleging links to one of the most feared terror organisations in the Horn of Africa. What began as a road rage incident had morphed into what the Kenyan State now describes as a terrorism case of the highest order. The Standard has spent weeks piecing together the full story of Osman Erdinc Elsek, and what it reveals is far more unsettling than a single night on a dark highway.

Elsek is not an unknown quantity in Kenya. For nearly two decades, he has been a fixture along the Coast, a man who built affordable housing estates, constructed parts of courthouses, partnered with Eco-Bank on mortgage schemes, and claimed investments worth over six billion shillings. He is, by his own telling and by the corporate branding of his Elsek Group Conglomerate, a benefactor. He is also, according to the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, a member of Al-Shabaab.

Osman Erdinc Elsek — sworn affidavit, January 2026

The charge sheet presented before a Mombasa court on Monday, February 2, is a six-count document that lays bare the scope of what investigators have assembled. In the first count, the prosecution alleges that Elsek was a member of Harakat Al-Shabaab Mujahideen, the full formal designation of the terrorist group that carried out the 2013 Westgate Mall attack in Nairobi, killing 67 people, and the 2015 Garissa University massacre that claimed 148 lives. In the second and third counts, investigators claim that a Samsung Flip 7 phone recovered from Elsek contained video recordings with titles referencing Osama bin Laden and bearing the hallmarks of jihadist propaganda. In the fourth count, he is accused of unlawfully possessing a Glock pistol, serial number RBV973. The fifth charge sees his associate, Gokmen Sandikci, accused of consorting with an armed man. The sixth and final count, added nearly twenty days after the initial arrest, accuses both men of assaulting Boniface Katana on the night the whole saga began.

For a man who claims to have built parts of the Shanzu courthouse where he once stood trial, the irony of now facing the court’s judgment on terrorism charges is not lost on observers. But it is the Glock pistol, serial number RBV973, that keeps appearing at the centre of this story, and it is where the pattern becomes difficult to ignore.

The Glock Pistol — Serial No. RBV973

  • Oct 2020 Seized from Elsek after he shot 15-year-old Frank Omwenga in the chest during an altercation following a football match in Kilifi. Police impounded the pistol along with 15 rounds of 9mm ammunition. Elsek’s civilian firearm licence was also held.
  • Jan 12, 2026 The same Glock pistol, same serial number, same 15 rounds of ammunition, recovered from associate Gokmen Sandikci during the arrest of both men in Mtwapa, Kilifi County.
  • Jan 14, 2026 Elsek tells the Mombasa court that the firearm is lawfully licensed and that his possession of it is entirely legal.
  • Feb 2, 2026 The DPP formally charges Elsek with unlawful possession of the firearm, alleging it was intended for use in a manner prejudicial to public order.

In October 2020, Elsek was arrested at Kilifi Police Station after shooting a teenager named Frank Omwenga, who was fifteen years old, in the chest during a street scuffle. Police filed the report at Kijipwa Police Station. The Glock was confiscated. Elsek’s civilian licence was surrendered. The case attracted media attention, drew public outrage on social media, and then, as so many cases involving wealthy individuals in Kenya tend to do, it faded quietly from public discourse. The Standard found no record of a successful prosecution arising from that shooting.

Now, five years later, that same pistol, identified by the same serial number, is back in police custody. This time it was found in the possession of Sandikci, not Elsek. The prosecution has not yet explained publicly how a firearm that was impounded in 2020 came to be in the hands of a man travelling with Elsek in 2026. The defence, for its part, has insisted the weapon was lawfully re-licensed. The court has yet to rule on the matter.

A Refugee With Six Billion Shillings

To understand how Osman Erdinc Elsek ended up in a Mombasa courtroom facing terrorism charges, it is necessary to understand the unusual shape of his life in Kenya. Court records and official filings paint a portrait that defies easy categorisation.

Elsek arrived in Kenya in December 2008. According to his own statements in court, he came after falling out with the then Turkish president. He was granted refugee status by the Kenyan government, a designation that typically applies to individuals fleeing persecution, war, or serious threats to their safety. He settled in Kikambala, a coastal town in Kilifi County, and began building.

Through the Elsek Group Conglomerate, he registered eighteen companies in Kenya operating across construction, real estate, hospitality, quarrying, transport, production, and mortgage banking. The company’s own website boasts of projects across East Africa including housing estates in Kikambala, a tourism university in Rwanda, and a consulate building in South Sudan. The firm partnered with Eco-Bank to offer mortgage financing and displayed model houses at trade expos in Mombasa. By the time he stood before the court in January 2026, Elsek claimed property worth more than six billion shillings, all invested in Kenya.

A refugee with billions. A man who built courthouses and appeared before them. A philanthropist who shot a child. The contradictions in Elsek’s story are not new. They have been present for years, quietly accumulating like sediment, and it is only now, with the terrorism charges, that the full weight of the file is being examined.

Timeline of Key Events

Dec 2008

Elsek arrives in Kenya, granted refugee status. Begins establishing businesses along the Coast.

2016

Charged in Mombasa court with defrauding a Mogadishu construction company of Sh7.6 million. Case later withdrawn after parties reportedly settle.

Jan 2019

Arrested by DCI, GSU and Interpol. Charged with ten counts of defilement and child prostitution involving minors aged 15 and 17 at his Kikambala home. Case transferred from Shanzu to Malindi after court finds Elsek had close relations with judicial officers at Shanzu.

Oct 2020

Arrested for shooting 15-year-old Frank Omwenga in the chest in Kilifi. Glock pistol serial no. RBV973 seized. No known successful prosecution follows.

2021–22

Charged with conspiring to defeat justice by interfering with witnesses in the defilement case. Case remains pending before Mombasa magistrate’s court.

Jan 12, 2026

Road altercation with ODM convoy on Mombasa-Malindi Highway involving Wajir Governor Ahmed Abdullahi Jiir. Elsek allegedly punches the governor and slaps his driver while brandishing a firearm.

Jan 13, 2026

Elsek and Sandikci arrested in Mtwapa at 1:37 am. Booked at Nyali Police Station. ATPU begins investigation into terrorism financing.

Feb 2, 2026

DPP okays prosecution. Six-count charge sheet presented in Mombasa court including Al-Shabaab membership, possession of terrorist material, firearm charges, and assault.

The Night on the Highway

The events of January 12 have been told differently by each side, and the version of events matters enormously to how the terrorism charges are understood. The ODM party had concluded a Central Management Committee meeting at Vipingo. A convoy of party leaders, which included Wajir Governor Ahmed Abdullahi Jiir, was making its way towards Moi International Airport in Mombasa when, according to police and multiple witnesses, a vehicle driven by one of the Turkish nationals cut aggressively into the convoy and struck the governor’s car from behind.

What happened next has become the subject of fierce legal contest. Police sources and the initial reports indicate that Elsek alighted from his vehicle, drew a firearm, punched the governor, and slapped his driver. The Council of Governors issued a furious statement demanding to know who had authorised a foreigner to carry a gun along Kenyan roads. Interior Cabinet Secretary Kithure Kindiki ordered a probe.

Elsek’s account is starkly different. In a sworn affidavit, he states that he was the one hit from behind, that the governor’s convoy fled the scene, and that when he gave chase and confronted the occupants, he was assaulted. He claims the convoy members attempted to beat him using their own firearms. He says he identified the governor only afterwards, and that the governor subsequently threatened him with deportation.

The truth of what happened on that highway may eventually emerge through the courts. But what is remarkable is how quickly the narrative shifted from a road rage incident to a terrorism investigation. Within hours of the arrest, the Anti-Terrorism Police Unit was involved. Within a day, the State was before a court alleging terrorism financing. Within three weeks, the DPP had approved a charge sheet alleging Al-Shabaab membership.

The Propaganda Videos and the Phone

The terrorism charges hinge in significant part on what was allegedly found on a Samsung Flip 7 mobile phone recovered from Elsek. The charge sheet states that the phone contained video recordings that constitute articles connected to the commission of a terrorist act. The titles cited in the charge sheet include content referencing Osama bin Laden and phrases characteristic of jihadist recruitment material.

The prosecution has framed these videos as evidence that Elsek was knowingly collecting information intended for use in terrorist activities. The offence, the State says, was committed on January 14 at the Anti-Terrorism Police Unit offices at Mombasa Police Station, the same location where Elsek was being held at the time.

The defence has not yet publicly addressed the content of the videos in detail, focusing instead on the procedural defects in the charge sheet. In the hearing on February 2, Elsek’s three advocates raised a preliminary objection arguing that the first count, alleging Al-Shabaab membership, failed to specify a date, time, or location. They argued that without these particulars, the charge was fatally defective and that proceeding on it would amount to a miscarriage of justice.

The prosecution countered that the absence of a specific date did not mean that no offence had been committed, and that investigators were entitled to add charges as they emerged during the course of an investigation. The magistrate is expected to rule on whether the charges will stand on February 3.

Al-Shabaab and the Money Trail

To appreciate the gravity of the charges against Elsek, it is necessary to understand the scale of the threat that Al-Shabaab poses and the sophistication of its financial operations. The United States Department of Treasury has repeatedly sanctioned networks of businesspeople across the Horn of Africa, the UAE, and Cyprus who have been identified as financial facilitators for the group. In 2024 alone, the Treasury designated sixteen entities and individuals comprising a money laundering network that funnelled funds to Al-Shabaab through business fronts in Kenya, Uganda, Somalia, and Cyprus.

Al-Shabaab generates between one hundred million and two hundred million dollars annually. A West Point counterterrorism assessment published in 2025 identified the group as al-Qaeda’s wealthiest affiliate in the world. Its funding streams include extortion of local businesses, taxation of imported goods, smuggling, trade-based money laundering, and the exploitation of hawala money transfer systems. The US State Department has placed a ten million dollar bounty on information leading to the disruption of Al-Shabaab’s financial mechanisms.

Kenya’s Coast has long been understood as a region vulnerable to Al-Shabaab influence. In late 2024, an Interpol and AFRIPOL joint operation across eight East African countries resulted in the arrest of 37 terror suspects, including 17 in Kenya alone. Some of those arrested were connected to terrorism financing and propaganda networks.

The question that the prosecution has not yet fully answered in open court is precisely how Elsek’s business empire, if at all, connects to these networks. The charge sheet alleges membership of Al-Shabaab but provides no specific date or location for when that membership began or how it was demonstrated. It alleges possession of propaganda material but has not detailed the chain of custody for the phone or the forensic analysis that was conducted on it. Investigators told the court in January that they were still analysing Elsek’s financial records, banking data, and call logs.

The Six Counts — Charge Sheet, Feb 2, 2026

1

Membership of a Terrorist Organisation — Alleged membership of Harakat Al-Shabaab Mujahideen, contrary to Section 24 of the Prevention of Terrorism Act. No specific date, time or location cited.

2

Collecting Information for Terrorist Act — Possession of a Samsung Flip 7 phone allegedly containing video recordings intended for use in the commission of a terrorist act. Offence noted on January 14 at ATPU offices, Mombasa.

3

Possession of Articles Connected to Terrorism — The same video recordings, framed as articles connected to the commission of a terrorist act, contrary to Section 30 of POTA.

4

Unlawful Possession of a Firearm — Possession of a Glock pistol, serial number RBV973, on January 12, in circumstances raising suspicion of use prejudicial to public order.

5

Consorting with Armed Person — Gokmen Sandikci charged with being in the company of Elsek while aware that Elsek was unlawfully armed.

6

Assault Causing Actual Bodily Harm — Both men jointly charged with assaulting Boniface Katana on January 12 at Majengo Kananai, Kilifi South.

The Questions That Remain

The case of Osman Erdinc Elsek sits at the intersection of several uncomfortable truths about how Kenya handles powerful foreigners, how terrorism charges are deployed, and how quickly political altercations can be reframed as matters of national security.

The first question concerns the speed of the escalation. Senior police sources confirmed to reporters in the days after the arrest that the two Turkish nationals were being detained in connection with the altercation with ODM politicians. The terrorism financing investigation, by the State’s own account, arose from intelligence received prior to the arrest. If that intelligence existed before January 12, the question becomes why Elsek was not detained or investigated on that basis before the highway incident brought him into contact with powerful political figures.

The second question concerns the defilement case. In 2019, Elsek was arrested by the DCI, the GSU, and Interpol on charges of sexually abusing three minors at his home. The case was transferred out of Shanzu after the court itself acknowledged that Elsek had close relations with judicial officers at that station and had helped construct the courthouse. The case eventually collapsed after witnesses recanted and the prosecution failed to prove its case. A related charge of witness interference remains pending. No one has been held publicly accountable for the collapse of that prosecution, and no formal inquiry into the circumstances has been reported.

The third question concerns the firearm. A Glock pistol that was seized in 2020 after Elsek shot a teenager is now back in the possession of his associate. The Standard has found no public record of the outcome of the 2020 shooting case. The pistol’s re-emergence raises questions about the integrity of evidence custody and the functioning of Kenya’s firearms licensing and enforcement regime.

The fourth and perhaps most consequential question is whether the terrorism charges will survive judicial scrutiny. The defence has already argued that the first count is fatally defective for failing to specify when and where the alleged membership took place. The prosecution has not disclosed the intelligence that reportedly preceded the arrest. The financial analysis that investigators said they needed time to complete has not been summarised in open court. The magistrate’s ruling on February 3 will be the first significant test of whether the State has built a case or merely assembled allegations.

“At this point, it is not possible to tell what kind of evidence the state has against the respondents.”

Senior Resident Magistrate David Odhiambo — ruling, January 2026

Elsek has maintained throughout that he is a victim, not a suspect. He has pointed to his investments, his corporate social responsibility programmes, and his years of residence as proof that he has no reason to flee Kenya and no motive to support terrorism. His lawyers, including prominent advocates George Khaminwa and Cliff Ombeta, have dismissed the terrorism allegations as politically motivated retaliation for the altercation with the governor’s convoy.

The State, for its part, has said nothing publicly beyond what is contained in the charge sheet and the affidavits filed in court. The investigating officer, Hassan Sugal of the ATPU, told the court that credible intelligence was received before the arrest. What that intelligence was, where it came from, and what it contained has not been disclosed.

What is clear is that a Mombasa court is now being asked to decide whether a Turkish businessman who has lived in Kenya for nearly two decades, built parts of its infrastructure, shot a child, and been charged with sexually abusing minors, is also a member of Al-Shabaab. The answer to that question will say as much about the Kenyan State as it will about Osman Erdinc Elsek.

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Oketch Salah
Latest News

How Oketch Salah Leveraged Proximity to Raila to Build Gold Mining Empire

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

Three months after the death of former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, questions continue to swirl around Mohammed Abdi Jama, better known as Oketch Salah, the self-styled adopted son who has emerged from the shadows to position himself at the intersection of Kenya’s most powerful political and business networks.

At the heart of the mystery lies a simple question that has captivated and divided the nation. What business was Salah really conducting with Raila, and how did a relatively unknown figure from Migori transform himself into a man who now arrives at political events by helicopter, dines with presidents, and claims intimate knowledge of Kenya’s most revered politician’s final wishes?

The answer, investigations reveal, lies in the lucrative and politically connected world of gold mining in Nyatike, where fortunes are made not just underground but in the corridors of power.

Salah’s family background offers the first clue to understanding his trajectory. Born to Abdi Salah, a wealthy businessman who owned Migori’s first storey building in the 1970s and ran a successful bakery, young Mohammed grew up in relative privilege. The family, part of the Somali immigrant community that settled in Migori through Mandera, integrated fully into Luo society. Salah became fluent in Dholuo, attended Ombo Primary School and later Kangeso Secondary School, and built the cultural bridges that would later serve his ambitions.

But his path was far from linear. After his father’s death and burial in a Migori cemetery, Salah moved to Mombasa, where he worked as a loader for a transport company in Miritini before being promoted to supervisor. From there, he made his way to Somalia and eventually to the United States under the Temporary Protected Status program, a humanitarian provision that Congress created for nationals from countries facing armed conflict or disasters.

It was during this period abroad that Salah accumulated capital that he would later wire back to Kenya. When President Donald Trump’s administration ended the protected status for Somali immigrants in March this year, Salah had already returned to Kenya with a fortune and a plan.

The gold rush in Nyatike provided the perfect opportunity. The Migori Greenstone Belt, an extension of the gold-rich Tanzanian Craton, has long been one of Kenya’s most productive gold regions. With an estimated production of 34 tonnes per year generating approximately 67 billion shillings, the area attracts investors from around the world. But success in this sector requires more than geological knowledge. It demands political connections and government goodwill.

This is where Raila Odinga entered the picture, and where Salah’s story takes a calculated turn.

Sources familiar with the arrangement say Salah initially befriended former Nyatike MP Onyango Anyanga while the politician was still in Parliament and close to Raila. Through Anyanga, who later fell out with the ODM leader so spectacularly that he vowed to denounce his party membership, Salah gained his crucial introduction to the former Prime Minister.

What followed was a masterclass in leveraging political proximity for business advantage. Salah registered a gold mining company and began telling potential partners and investors across Africa that Raila was not just his mentor but a shareholder in his ventures. His social media pages, which only became active in late September 2025 as Raila’s health declined, became a carefully curated showcase of access and influence.

Photos showed Salah with Raila on flights, enjoying meals, dancing at events, and visiting foreign capitals. Unlike many Muslims, Salah was photographed enjoying hard drinks and shisha with the political elite, a detail that former schoolmates say reflects his pragmatic approach to business and networking. The images served a dual purpose: they cemented his credentials as Raila’s confidant while simultaneously advertising his access to power for business purposes.

The strategy worked spectacularly. Salah secured meetings with African leaders, including Zimbabwe’s President Emmerson Mnangagwa, framing his visits as business missions focused on mining and energy. For a private Kenyan citizen with no formal government position, such access raised obvious questions about the networks and interests at play. Was he genuinely Raila’s adopted son, or was this designation a convenient business card that opened doors across the continent?

Dr. Oburu Oginga, Raila’s elder brother who now leads ODM, has publicly endorsed Salah, calling him “a son of Raila” and highlighting his role during the former Prime Minister’s final days in India. At Salah’s son Abdinoor’s wedding at Serena Hotel on October 25, just ten days after Raila’s death, Oburu told the gathering that Salah “was taking care of Raila until the day he breathed his last.”

But Raila’s own family tells a starkly different story. His daughter Winnie Odinga has been unequivocal in her rejection of Salah’s claims. In a recent television interview, she dismissed him as someone she “would like to believe nobody really knows” and suggested he should be “rushed to Mathare or the DCI” for making false and dangerous statements about her father. Her sister Ruth Odinga, Kisumu Woman Representative and Raila’s sister, was equally devastating in her assessment, admitting she cannot even place who Salah is despite his claims of intimate family ties.

The contradictions extend to Salah’s professional credentials. While he styles himself as “Dr. Oketch Salah” and claimed to be Raila’s personal physician, investigations by multiple media houses have found no trace of his name in the Kenya Medical Practitioners, Dentists and Pharmacists Council registers. The real Raila family doctor was Dr. David Oluoch Olunya, a respected neurosurgeon who attended to the former Prime Minister for over two decades.

Some of Salah’s claims strain credulity entirely. Reports have credited him with performing brain surgeries on hippopotamuses in Muhuru Bay, heart operations on hyenas in Seme, stopping coronavirus spread among animals in the Serengeti and Maasai Mara, and upgrading the Raboral VRG vaccine, all supposedly done “using pure talent, not textbooks.” Medical professionals describe these claims as fantastical.

Yet despite these red flags, Salah has successfully inserted himself into Kenya’s political machinery in ways that suggest either genuine connections or sophisticated manipulation. He attended State House functions alongside President William Ruto and Oburu Oginga during celebrations for broad-based government legislators. He has pledged to financially support ten youths from Jacaranda Bunge la Wananchi with 50,000 shillings each, plus motorcycles for men and hairdressing equipment for women, mirroring Raila’s 2022 campaign promise of a 6,000 shilling monthly stipend.

Most controversially, Salah claimed at an ODM meeting in Bondo that Raila wanted the party to endorse President Ruto in the 2027 presidential race, a statement that has split ODM down the middle and thrust him into the eye of a political storm. Neither Government Spokesperson Isaac Mwaura nor State House Spokesman Hussein Mohamed has commented on who Salah is or whether he holds any official government position.

The silence from State House is particularly telling given Salah’s documented visits and the fact that when Raila died in India, President Ruto stated he had been briefed by both the family and “his friend who was in India.” Multiple sources suggest Salah was providing intelligence from Raila’s inner circle to government operatives, much as critics now accuse Junet Mohamed of having done during the 2022 elections.

Political analyst David Makali draws parallels between Salah’s operations and those of Mohamed Noor, the feared oil tycoon and State House agent during the Moi era who wielded enormous power through his proximity to the presidency. “The pattern is familiar,” Makali says. “Position yourself close to a political figure, claim special knowledge and access, and monetize that proximity. The question is always: who benefits, and what is being traded?”

For Salah, the benefits appear substantial. He now travels by helicopter, maintains multiple business interests including his gold mining operations in Nyatike, and has positioned himself as a kingmaker within ODM factions supporting the broad-based government. His financial backing of pro-government ODM politicians has become an open secret in political circles.

But the arrangement raises troubling questions about the final months of Raila Odinga’s life. Why was Salah, rather than long-time aide Maurice Ogetta, present during critical moments in India? In his own statements, Salah revealed that the security officer present when Raila had a health scare at his Karen home was Francis Ogolla, not Ogetta, contradicting earlier accounts and fueling speculation about who controlled access to the ailing leader.

Activists and Raila supporters have noted Salah’s shifting and contradictory accounts of the former Prime Minister’s final days. Some claim he is traveling across the country distributing money to quell dissent and questions about what really transpired in India. Others point to allegations that Salah was secretly recording Raila using high-tech surveillance equipment, pens, buttons, and other discreet spying gadgets, then forwarding information to unnamed masters.

The broader implications extend beyond one man’s alleged opportunism. Salah’s story illuminates the murky intersection of business and politics in Kenya, where mining licenses, government contracts, and political influence are often traded in ways that benefit a connected few while excluding the communities most affected.

In Nyatike, where artisanal miners dig 400 feet underground in dangerous conditions for a fraction of the profits, the gold sector generates billions while locals struggle. County officials complain that bureaucratic processes and national government involvement mean the county sees little benefit despite hosting such lucrative operations. Artisanal miners capture only 25 percent of the gold value, with 75 percent remaining in waste materials later collected by those with “advanced technology,” a category that likely includes well-connected businessmen like Salah.

The question of what business Salah was really doing with Raila may never be fully answered. The former Prime Minister took many secrets to his grave. But the evidence suggests a transactional relationship in which Salah provided companionship, assistance, and perhaps intelligence during Raila’s declining years, while extracting in return the ultimate business asset: proximity to power.

Whether Salah was genuinely devoted to Raila or skillfully exploiting an aging politician’s need for support may be less important than understanding the system that allowed such arrangements to flourish. In a country where political connections can transform a Migori businessman into a player on the national stage, the Oketch Salah phenomenon is less an aberration than a symptom.

Attempts to reach Salah for comment were unsuccessful. His social media pages continue to post photos from political events and business meetings, each image a testament to a proximity he claims as family ties but which others see as something far more calculated.

As Kenya heads toward the 2027 elections with ODM fractured and Raila’s legacy contested, the shadow of Oketch Salah looms large. His gold mining ventures in Nyatike continue. His political influence appears to be growing. And the questions about what really happened during Raila Odinga’s final days, and who benefited most from that access, remain largely unanswered.

In the end, the mystery of Oketch Salah and the business he was doing with Raila reveals an uncomfortable truth about Kenyan politics. Power, proximity, and profit form a triangle in which the lines between family, friendship, and transaction blur beyond recognition. And in that ambiguity, fortunes are made while the public is left to wonder who was serving whom, and at what cost.

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Mwananchi Credit
Business

Mwananchi Credit Offers Fast, Stress-Free Logbook Loans to Empower Kenyan Dreams

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

Access to financing remains a major hurdle for many Kenyans. Even individuals with clear goals, viable projects, and good financial records often struggle to raise capital. As a result, promising ideas stall, businesses fail to expand, and personal ambitions are delayed. Reliable and accessible credit solutions are essential to unlocking economic growth and improving livelihoods.

Award-winning microfinance institution Mwananchi Credit is stepping in to close this financing gap by offering timely and practical loan solutions that help Kenyans turn their dreams into reality. With over five years of a strong and reputable track record, the company has built trust by providing customer-focused financial services designed for speed, convenience, and flexibility.

One of its standout products is the logbook loan, created specifically for vehicle owners who need quick access to funds without disrupting their daily routines. Under this arrangement, a customer’s vehicle logbook serves as security, but the client continues using the vehicle throughout the repayment period. This unique approach ensures borrowers maintain their mobility while accessing immediate liquidity for business or personal needs.

Qualifying for a logbook loan is straightforward. Applicants only need to be at least 18 years old, possess a valid driver’s license, and have comprehensive vehicle insurance. Mwananchi Credit offers some of the lowest interest rates in the Kenyan market, with approvals processed in less than six hours. Repayment terms are flexible, ranging from three to 24 months, and clients can access loans of up to KES 25 million.

Importantly, Mwananchi Credit is licensed by the Central Bank of Kenya, giving customers confidence in its credibility and regulatory compliance. The company also does not require a CRB rating, making financing accessible to a wider range of borrowers.

Beyond logbook loans, Mwananchi Credit provides additional financial products including check-off loans, title deed loans, import financing, and LPO loans. These diverse options ensure individuals and businesses can find solutions tailored to their unique financial needs.

With flexible terms and a customer-first approach, Mwananchi Credit is helping Kenyans fund their projects and move closer to financial independence.

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Politics

Kakamega Deputy Governor Ayub Savula Declares Kakamega Gubernatorial Bid, Joins UDA

by Daily Trends
written by Daily Trends

Kakamega governor Fernandes Barasa has been delt a major blow after his deputy Ayub Savula Declares interest in the county’s top seat in the upcoming 2027 polls.
‎
‎Addressing the media in Kakamega on Monday, February 2, Savula said he had already kicked off the process of decamping from the Eugine Wamalwa-led Democratic Action Party of Kenya (DAP-K), to the ruling United Democratic Alliance (UDA).

He also noted that he had already registered as a UDA 2027 aspirant, ahead of the UDA Aspirants’ Forum meeting set to be hosted by President William Ruto at State House, Nairobi, on Wednesday, February 4, 2026.
‎
‎“My journey of decamping to UDA from DAP-K party has already commenced. I have already registered as an aspirant for the gubernatorial seat in UDA and the journey has officially began,” Savula said.

Shinyalu MP Fred Ikana with Kakamega DG Ayub Savula during a media briefing in Kakamega. Photo/Courtesy

‎Savula further invited all UDA aspirants vying for different elective seats in the western region, to the State house meeting.
‎
‎He said his decision to decamp from DAP-K was informed by his unwillingness to work under an opposition alliance that is being led by former Deputy President and Democracy for the Citizens Party (DCP) leader Rigathi Gachagua and his allies. 
‎
‎Savula says he is comfortable pushing for President William Ruto’s re-election in 2027 under the UDA-ODM political arrangement. 
‎
‎”We know ODM and UDA are working together under the broad-based political arrangement, im not going to be part of  an alliance between DAP-K and Gachagua,” he said.
‎
‎Savula’s bold move comes after his appointment by President William Ruto as the deputy coordinator for his Western Region campaign ahead of the 2027 general election.

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Business

Xiaomi Unveils REDMI Note 15 Series: REDMI Titan Durability Meets Advanced Imaging

by Zephany Warui Waweru
written by Zephany Warui Waweru

Xiaomi today announced the launch of REDMI Note 15 Series, comprising three models — REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G, REDMI Note 15 Pro, and REDMI Note 15. Defined by REDMI Titan Durability, the lineup highlights long-lasting battery performance, reinforced drop resistance, and enhanced dust and water protection, alongside upgraded imaging capabilities, flagship-level performance, and a seamless user experience.

REDMI Titan Durability, Engineered for Everyday Challenges

Spanning every model, REDMI Titan Durability integrates a long-lasting battery experience, enhanced drop resistance, and comprehensive dust and water resistance — establishing a new durability standard for REDMI Note Series. REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G lead the lineup with the most advanced durability features, while all models are engineered to meet the demands of everyday use.

At the core of this upgrade is an enhanced battery experience. REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G features a 6,500mAh Silicon–Carbon (SiC) Battery with 10% SiC content, paired with 100W HyperCharge³ and 22.5W reverse charging⁴, delivering flagship-level endurance and fast charging. Making its debut in REDMI Note Series, SiC battery technology enables higher energy density within a compact form factor. Across all Pro models, the SiC battery works alongside Xiaomi Surge battery management system, retaining 80% or more capacity after 1,600 charge cycles, equivalent to approximately six years of typical use. REDMI Note 15 features an upgraded 6,000 mAh battery.¹ Reverse charging support across the lineup, including 22.5W or 18W depending on model, adds everyday convenience and flexibility.⁴

Structural durability is reinforced across the series. REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G achieved SGS Premium Performance Certification,⁵ verifying resistance to drops, crushing, and bending. Built on REDMI Titan Structure, both models combine a high-strength motherboard, reinforced mid-frame, and multi-layer shock-absorbing design, complemented by Corning® Gorilla® Glass Victus® 2 — together enabling certified drop resistance from heights of up to 2.5 meters.⁷ REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G further incorporates an ultra-tough fiberglass back panel²² to improve impact absorption without adding unnecessary weight³¹. The rest of the lineup features a durable structural design that has passed the SGS Comprehensive Shock and Drop-Resistance test,⁶ delivering dependable protection in real-world use.

To deliver comprehensive everyday protection, REDMI Note 15 Series raises the bar for dust and water resistance. REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G meet IP66, IP68, IP69, and IP69K standards⁸ and are certified to withstand immersion at depths of up to 2 meters for 24 hours⁹. Verified by the TÜV SÜD Smartphone Water-Resistant Endurance Certification,¹⁰ these models incorporate 17 precision-engineered waterproof elements to ensure long-term reliability. REDMI Note 15 Pro and REDMI Note 15 also feature enhanced dust and water resistance designed to handle splashes, spills, and challenging environments. Across the entire lineup, Wet Touch 2.0 ensures the display remains responsive even when the screen or fingertips are wet, allowing smooth operation in everyday conditions.

Elevated Imaging System with Advanced AI

Engineered to deliver exceptional clarity in every shot, REDMI Note 15 Series brings a holistic imaging upgrade to the entire lineup. By combining high-resolution sensors, versatile focal lengths, and advanced AI-empowered photography within its segment.

At the center of this upgrade, REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G features a new 200MP ultimate-clarity camera, powered by the global debut of a 200MP HPE image sensor. This large 1/1.4-inch sensor, together with 2× and 4× optical-level in-sensor zoom, triple-focal-length DAG HDR, and advanced AI processing, delivers detailed, true-to-life images across a wide range of lighting conditions.

The Pro models support five focal lengths from 23mm to 92mm through a single lens, enabling flexible framing for landscapes, street photography, portraits, and close-ups. Meanwhile, REDMI Note 15 features a 108MP super-clear camera system, offering a 3× optical-level telephoto experience that covers perspectives from wide-angle shots to portrait close-ups.

Across the series, imaging is further enhanced with creative and AI-powered tools, including an ultra-clear portrait algorithm, Dynamic shots 2.0 for motion effects, and easy editing with direct sharing to Instagram.²³ Post-processing is easier than ever, with REDMI Note 15 Pro models featuring AI Creativity Assistant¹¹, while REDMI Note 15 offer a suite of AI image editing tools¹² designed for everyday creativity. Across the entire series, AI Remove Reflection and AI Beautify are supported, enabling cleaner images and one-tap enhancements with minimal effort.

Upgraded Performance and Smarter Connectivity

Beyond durability and imaging, REDMI Note 15 Series delivers balanced performance for a wide range of usage scenarios. At the top of the lineup, REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G is powered by Snapdragon® 7s Gen 4 mobile platform and introduces Xiaomi IceLoop cooling system to REDMI Note Series, standing out as the only LHP cooling solution in its price segment and delivering triple the heat-transfer efficiency.³¹

Across the lineup, a new generation of Snapdragon and MediaTek chipsets delivers faster performance, smoother graphics, and improved energy efficiency. All models support Google Gemini¹³ and Circle to Search with Google¹⁴, delivering personalized interactions and convenient search. At the top of the series, REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G further integrates Xiaomi HyperAI¹², delivering more personalized and intelligent AI experiences.¹²

For enhanced connectivity, the flagship-level Xiaomi Offline Communication is introduced on the Pro models,¹⁵ enabling kilometer-level voice transmission even without network coverage. REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G further benefits from Xiaomi Surge T1S Tuner, delivering stronger and more stable connectivity across Wi-Fi, Bluetooth®, GPS, and cellular networks.³¹

Immersive Experience With Large Display and Powerful Audio

REDMI Note 15 Series offers an upgraded immersive viewing experience with larger displays and improved clarity. REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G features a 6.83-inch displays, while REDMI Note 15 Pro, REDMI Note 15 comes equipped with 6.77-inch displays, delivering wide, near-borderless views. With up to 3,200 nits peak brightness, 3840Hz PWM dimming, and triple eye-care certifications, the series ensures both visibility and comfort in various lighting conditions.

Complementing the display, REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G introduces a 400% volume boost,¹⁶ while the rest of the lineup offers a 300% volume boost, delivering louder, clearer audio for movies, music, and games.¹⁷

Positioned to meet the diverse needs of users worldwide, REDMI Note 15 Series delivers a well-rounded combination of durability, imaging, performance, and display enhancements. Built on the trusted foundation of REDMI Titan Durability, the lineup is designed to withstand the demands of daily use while delivering high-quality imaging, smooth performance, and a seamless user experience.

Price, Availability, and Promotion²⁴

REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G comes in Mocha Brown, Glacier Blue, and Black,¹⁸ with three storage variants.²⁰ Suggested retail price starts from KES 54999/-

REDMI Note 15 Pro comes in Titanium Color¹⁹, Glacier Blue, and Black,¹⁸ with three storage variants.²⁰ Suggested retail price starts from KES 36999/-

REDMI Note 15 comes in Glacier Blue, Purple, Forest Green, and Black,¹⁸ with four storage variants²⁰. Suggested retail price starts from KES 24,999/-

To celebrate the launch of the REDMI NOTE 15 Series, Xiaomi Kenya is offering exciting promotions for its customers. With the purchase of a REDMI NOTE 15 or REDMI NOTE 15 Pro, customers will receive a FREE Redmi Buds 6 Play worth KES 1,600. Those who purchase the REDMI NOTE 15 Pro+ 5G (worth KES 49,999) will also enjoy exclusive benefits.

In collaboration with Onfon, Xiaomi Kenya introduces the Flexible Lipa Pole Pole plan for the REDMI NOTE 15 Series, offering 5% discount on deposit and 15% on Installments, which is one of  the most best offers in the market.

Additionally, in partnership with Safaricom, customers can unlock up to 15GB of data, an exclusive offer available across all Safaricom stores nationwide.

The REDMI NOTE 15 Series is now available at all Xiaomi Partner Stores, Safaricom outlets, and online via Mi.com/KE and Jumia, with a FREE 24+1 months warranty for added peace of mind.

Beyond smartphones, Xiaomi Kenya is expanding its portfolio of AIoT and smart products, including TVs, wearables, smart home appliances, audio devices, and connected lifestyle solutions, all designed to enhance everyday living.

To continue the momentum of the Titan Durability theme, Xiaomi will also host a Mini Marathon on 21st February. More details will be on Xiaomi Kenya Social Media

Product images are available here.

REDMI Note 15 Series Quick Specs

Pro models:

 REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5GREDMI Note 15REDMI Note 15 Pro
DesignColors:¹⁸ Mocha Brown, Glacier Blue, BlackDimensions:²⁵163.34mm x 78.31mm x 8.47mm (Mocha Brown)163.34mm x 78.31mm x 8.19mm (Black, Glacier Blue)Weight:²⁵208.0g (Mocha Brown)207.1g (Black, Glacier Blue)IP66/IP68/IP69/IP69K dust and water resistance⁸Colors:¹⁸ Glacier Blue, Purple, Forest Green, BlackDimensions: 164.03mm x 75.42mm x 7.94mm²⁵Weight: 183.7g²⁵ IP64 dust and water resistance⁸Colors:¹⁸ Titanium Color,¹⁹ Glacier Blue, BlackDimensions: 163.22mm x 76.29mm x 7.96mm²⁵Weight: 195g²⁵IP65 dust and water resistance⁸
Camera200MP main camera2×/4× optical-level telephotoOISf/1.72.24μm 16-in-1 pixel binning1/1.4″ sensor size7P lens8MP ultra-wide cameraf/2.232MP front cameraf/2.2108MP main camera3× optical-level telephotof/1.70.64μm, 9in1 1.92μm1/1.67″ sensor size6P lens2MP depth cameraf/2.420MP front camera f/2.2200MP main camera2×/4× optical-level telephotoOISf/1.7 2.24μm 16-in-1 pixel binning1/1.4″ sensor size7P lens8MP ultra-wide cameraf/2.232MP front cameraf/2.2
AI FeaturesXiaomi HyperAI¹²AI Writing, AI Speech Recognition, AI Interpreter, AI Search, AI Dynamic Wallpapers, AI Creativity Assistant¹¹, and moreGoogle Gemini,¹³ Circle to Search with Google¹⁴AI image editing tools¹² AI Erase, AI Remove Reflection, AI Sky, AI Bokeh, AI Beautify Google Gemini,¹³ Circle to Search with Google¹⁴AI Creativity Assistant¹¹AI Erase Pro, AI Remove Reflection, AI Image Expansion, AI Sky, AI Bokeh, AI Image Enhancement, AI Beautify, AI Film, and more.Google Gemini,¹³ Circle to Search with Google¹⁴
Display6.83″ CrystalRes AMOLED displayResolution: 1.5K (2772 x 1280)Refresh rate: Up to 120HzBrightness: 3200 nits peak brightnessColor depth: 12-bitContrast ratio: 8,000,000:1DCI-P3 wide color gamutCorning® Gorilla® Glass Victus® 2Touch sampling rate: Up to 480HzInstantaneous touch sampling rate: 2560Hz²⁶HDR10+ | Dolby Vision®3840Hz PWM Dimming | 16,000-step automatic brightness adjustmentTÜV Rheinland Low Blue Light (Hardware Solution) Certification | TÜV Rheinland Flicker Free Certification | TÜV Rheinland Circadian Friendly Certification6.77″ AMOLED displayResolution: 2392 x 1080 Refresh rate: Up to 120Hz Brightness: 3200 nits peak brightnessColor depth: 12-bitContrast ratio: 8,000,000:1DCI-P3 wide color gamutTouch sampling rate: 240Hz   3840Hz PWM Dimming | 16,000-step automatic brightness adjustment TÜV Rheinland Low Blue Light (Hardware Solution) Certification | TÜV Rheinland Flicker Free Certification | TÜV Rheinland Circadian Friendly Certification6.77″ AMOLED displayResolution: 2392 x 1080 Refresh rate: Up to 120Hz Brightness: 3200 nits peak brightnessColor depth: 12-bitContrast ratio: 8,000,000:1DCI-P3 wide color gamutCorning® Gorilla® Glass Victus® 2 Touch sampling rate: 240Hz3840Hz PWM Dimming | 16,000-step automatic brightness adjustmentTÜV Rheinland Low Blue Light (Hardware Solution) Certification | TÜV Rheinland Flicker Free Certification | TÜV Rheinland Circadian Friendly Certification  
PerformanceSnapdragon® 7s Gen 4 Mobile Platform4nm manufacturing process technologyCPU: Octa-core processor, up to 2.7GHzGPU: Adreno GPULPDDR4X + UFS2.2 storage8GB + 256GB, 12GB + 256GB, 12GB + 512GB²⁰Xiaomi Offline Communication¹⁵Xiaomi Surge T1S TunerPowered by Xiaomi HyperOS²⁷MediaTek Helio G100-Ultra6nm manufacturing process technologyCPU: Octa-core processor, up to 2.2GHzGPU: Mali-G57 MC2LPDDR4X + UFS2.2 storage6GB + 128GB, 8GB + 128GB, 8GB + 256GB, 8GB + 512GB²⁰ Powered by Xiaomi HyperOS²⁷MediaTek Helio G200-Ultra6nm manufacturing process technologyCPU: Octa-core processor, up to 2.2GHzGPU: Mali-G57 MC2LPDDR4X + UFS2.2 storage8GB + 256GB, 12GB + 256GB, 12GB + 512GB²⁰Xiaomi Offline Communication¹⁵Powered by Xiaomi HyperOS²⁷
Battery & Charging6500mAh (typ) batterySilicon-Carbon Battery100W HyperCharge³22.5W reverse charging⁴6000mAh (typ) battery33W turbo charging³ 18W reverse charging⁴6500mAh (typ) battery Silicon-Carbon Battery45W turbo charging³ 18W reverse charging⁴
AudioDual speakers400% volume boost¹⁶Dolby Atmos® | Hi-ResDual speakers300% volume boost¹⁷ Dolby Atmos® | Hi-ResDual speakers300% volume boost¹⁷Dolby Atmos® | Hi-Res
ConnectivityWi-Fi 6E capability²⁸Dual SIM (nano SIM + nano SIM or nano SIM + eSIM)³²Supports NFC²⁹Bluetooth® 5.4Bands³⁰2G: GSM: 2/3/5/83G: WCDMA: 1/2/4/5/6/8/194G: LTE FDD: 1/2/3/4/5/7/8/12/13/17/18/19/20/26/28/32/66/714G: LTE TDD: 38/40/41/42/485G: n1/2/3/5/7/8/12/20/26/28/38/40/41/48/66/71/77/782.4GHz Wi-Fi | 5GHz Wi-Finano SIM 1 + Hybrid (nano SIM or microSD)Supports NFC²⁹ Bluetooth® 5.3Bands³⁰2G: GSM: 850/900/1800/1900MHz 3G: WCDMA: 1/2/4/5/6/8/19   4G: LTE FDD: 1/2/3/4/5/7/8/12/13/17/18/19/20/26/28/66 4G: LTE TDD: 38/40/41  2.4GHz Wi-Fi | 5GHz Wi-Finano SIM 1 + Hybrid (nano SIM or microSD)Supports NFC²⁹Bluetooth® 5.3Bands³⁰2G: GSM: 850/900/1800/1900MHz 3G: WCDMA: 1/2/4/5/8/6/194G: LTE FDD: 1/2/3/4/5/7/8/12/13/17/18/19/20/26/28/664G: LTE TDD: 38/40/41
SecurityIn-screen fingerprint sensorAI face unlockIn-screen fingerprint sensor AI face unlockIn-screen fingerprint sensorAI face unlock

Disclaimers

¹ REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G’s battery typical capacity is 6500mAh; REDMI Note 15 Pro’s battery typical capacity is 6500mAh; REDMI Note 15’s battery typical capacity is 6000mAh.

² This is based on theoretical calculations using test data from Xiaomi Internal Labs, simulating daily user habits (one full charge and discharge every 1.5 days). The battery retains 80% or more of its capacity after 1600 battery life cycles, corresponding to over 6 years of typical usage. Actual results may vary depending on testing conditions and usage habits.

³ Please consult the local seller on the availability of the power adapter in the box.

⁴ Supports up to 22.5W (REDMI Note 15 Pro+ 5G and REDMI Note 15 Pro 5G) or 18W (REDMI Note 15 Pro, REDMI Note 15 5G, and REDMI Note 15) wired reverse charging, compatible with devices verified through Xiaomi Internal Labs testing. Actual performance may vary depending on battery conditions and other factors. When using this feature, please ensure your phone has sufficient battery and verify the compatibility of the receiving device.

⁵ The product has obtained SGS 5-stars Premium Performance Certification, indicating that it meets the SGS technical standards for drop resistance, bending resistance, and compression resistance. As a precision electronic product, there is still a risk of damage if the phone falls. Please be careful to avoid drops or collisions.

⁶ The product has passed the SGS Comprehensive Shock & Drop-resistance test.

⁷ The 2.5-meter drop resistance data is certified by SGS. The phone can withstand a drop from a height of 2.5 meters onto a smooth granite surface under SGS-standard testing conditions. Actual results may vary. As a precision electronic device, the phone is still at risk of damage if dropped. Please be careful to avoid drops and collisions.

⁸ The device is certified to be water and dust resistant exclusively under specific laboratory conditions, not corresponding to normal use conditions. The warranty does not cover liquid damage caused by conditions other than test conditions. Ingress protection might deteriorate due to wear and tear, physical damage, and/or disassembly needed for repair. For more information, please see Xiaomi’s official website.

⁹ Please note that the test conditions of water resistance include: submersion in static freshwater up to a depth of 2 meters, up to 24 hours, water temperature with a variance of no more than 5°C compared to the device temperature. Such water resistance features only pertain to specific conditions tested in a laboratory environment, which do not correspond to normal usage conditions by consumers.

¹⁰ The product has passed the TÜV SÜD Smartphone Water-resistant Endurance Certification, meeting 8 test categories based on the PPP: CCB05071A:2025 testing standard. Certificate number: Z2GCN 099551 0585 / Z2GCN 099551 0584 Rev.00. This product is not a professional waterproof device. Its water and dust resistance is not permanent, and protective performance may degrade over time due to daily wear and tear. Do not charge the device while it is wet. Damage caused by liquid immersion is not covered under the warranty.

¹¹ Some of the AI Creativity Assistant features require an internet connection, and may vary by system software and Gallery Editor app versions. Please refer to actual use experience.

¹² Availability of AI features may vary based on region and model. Please check your local website for more information. An internet connection is required. Check responses for accuracy.

¹³ Google and Gemini are trademarks of Google LLC. Check responses. Set up required. Compatibility and availability vary.

¹⁴ Available on select devices, and an internet connection is required. Works on compatible apps and surfaces. Results may vary depending on visual matches. Google is a trademark of Google LLC.

¹⁵ Xiaomi Offline Communication requires a SIM card and a logged-in Xiaomi account to function. It supports kilometer-level voice calls in open, unobstructed environments. This feature is only available for devices that support Xiaomi Offline Communication. Feature availability may vary by region; please consult local resellers for more details. Actual call quality may vary depending on environmental conditions. Please refer to your actual experience. This feature is not designed or intended for emergency or life-saving communications.

¹⁶ Data compared with the previous generation of each model, respectively. Actual effects may vary due to software and scenarios. Please refer to the actual use.

¹⁷ Data tested by Xiaomi Internal Labs, 300% volume boost refers to 17 levels of volume compared to 15 levels, and actual effects may vary due to software and scenarios. Please refer to the actual use.

¹⁸ Color and material availability may vary between markets.

¹⁹ The term “Titanium Color” refers solely to the product’s color and surface appearance. It does not indicate that the product contains titanium or titanium alloy materials.

²⁰ Available storage and RAM are less than the total memory due to the storage of the operating system and software pre-installed on the device.

²¹ Data obtained from Xiaomi Internal Labs. Actual results may vary. Black and Glacier Blue measure 7.35mm, while Mist Purple measures 7.4mm. Thickness does not include camera bumps or other protrusions. Actual measurements may vary slightly depending on testing methods and environmental conditions.

²² Fiberglass back design available on Black and Glacier Blue.

²³ Feature available via OTA, availability may vary depending on software version, apps, and phone model. Please refer to the actual use.

²⁴ Prices and promotions for different markets may vary due to VAT, taxes, and other factors.

²⁵ Data tested by Xiaomi Internal Labs, actual results may vary.

²⁶ Activated in Game Turbo mode.

²⁷ Availability of Xiaomi HyperOS features, apps, and services may vary depending on region, software version, and phone model.

²⁸ Wi-Fi 6E/Wi-Fi 6 capability may vary based on regional availability and local network support. Wi-Fi connectivity (including Wi-Fi frequency bands, Wi-Fi standards, and other features as ratified in IEEE Standard 802.11 specifications) may vary based on regional availability and local network support. The function may be added via OTA when and where applicable.

²⁹ NFC availability may vary between markets.

³⁰ Connectivity and network bands may vary based on region availability and local operator support.

³¹ Data tested by Xiaomi Internal Labs, compared to REDMI Note 14 Pro+ 5G.

³² Use of eSIM requires a wireless service plan. This service plan may be subject to certain restrictions on use, on switching service providers, and roaming (even after contract expiration). eSIM availability may vary depending on country/region and carrier. For more details, please contact your carrier for more information.

³³ Sales partners and available promotions may vary by market. Please refer to local information for sales availability.

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Tusker Youth Become First Team to Reach 82 Ultimate Cup Semifinals After Penalty Drama

by Zephany Warui Waweru
written by Zephany Warui Waweru

Tusker Youth have etched their name into the early history of this year’s 82 Ultimate Cup by becoming the first side to book a semifinal spot, surviving a tense encounter with Jamhuri Sports Association that needed a penalty shootout to separate the teams.

Regulation time ended in a 1–1 stalemate, with both sides showing intensity and tactical discipline in a matchup that reflected the rising stakes of the tournament. Neither team was willing to yield, and the tie had to be settled from the spot. Here, Tusker Youth held their nerve and clinched progression.

From an analytical perspective, this victory reveals a young side with maturity beyond its years. Penalty shootouts aren’t just about technique; they demand calm under pressure and belief in the moment, two qualities Tusker Youth displayed when it mattered most. Their early qualification suggests not only quality on the pitch but also a mental resilience that could define their tournament run.

For fans of youth football development, this result is more than a ticket to the next round. It’s confirmation that Tusker’s investment in nurturing talent is yielding competitive dividends in big-game scenarios.

As the competition edges closer to its climax, all eyes will be on how Tusker Youth build on this milestone. With the semifinal already secured, they can now prepare with belief, strategy, and the psychology of a team accustomed to big moments.

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Tom Juma: The Coach Who Embraces Structure, Character, and Tactical Fluidity

by Zephany Warui Waweru
written by Zephany Warui Waweru

Tom Juma’s coaching philosophy is shaped by experience and evolution — a mindset forged on the pitch and tempered on the touchline.

At its core, Juma’s approach emphasizes tactical organization and defensive structure, ensuring that his teams are solid without the ball and capable of controlling phases of play. This stems from his own playing days as a midfielder — a role that demands both vision and discipline.

But structure doesn’t mean rigidity. Juma values fluid tactical patterns that allow teams to adapt to the opponent’s strengths and weaknesses rather than stick to a single template. In his work with AFC Leopards and Muhoroni Youth, he demonstrated a willingness to switch formations mid-game and utilize players in flexible roles, a sign that his coaching eyes are trained on problem solving, not just instructions.

Another cornerstone of Juma’s philosophy is player empowerment. He believes that players perform best when they understand not only what to do, but why it matters. He cultivates an environment where tactical insight is shared rather than imposed, encouraging dialogue and intelligence within the squad.

Physically, Juma’s teams are expected to work hard, sustain pressure, and maintain intensity from whistle to whistle. Conditioning is not an add-on, it’s integral to his game model. Teams built with this mindset often close down spaces, recover swiftly after transitions, and press collectively when needed.

Beyond formations and drills, Juma is a coach who values character and mental resilience. For him, football is as much psychological as it is technical. His leadership style fosters belief, particularly in moments when the scoreboard doesn’t reflect performance.

In essence, Tom Juma’s coaching philosophy is about marrying discipline with freedom. This not only gives players a clear structure, but also the confidence to express themselves within it.

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Kibera Black Stars Appoint Tom Juma as First Assistant Coach

by Zephany Warui Waweru
written by Zephany Warui Waweru

National Super League side Kibera Black Stars have made a statement in their technical department by appointing Tom Juma as their new first assistant coach, a move that blends pedigree with ambition as the club chases its competitive goals this season.

Juma, a veteran of Kenyan football, has a rich history both on the field and on the touchline. As a player, he was a stalwart midfield presence for AFC Leopards and other clubs, and he represented the Harambee Stars with distinction during his career.

His coaching journey has been equally rooted in domestic football. Juma previously took charge of Muhoroni Youth, where he handled managerial responsibilities, and served in various coaching roles at AFC Leopards, including assistant coach and caretaker manager.

For Kibera Black Stars, bringing Juma into the fold signals an intention to combine tactical acumen with calm leadership. Essential attributes in a league defined by tight competition and ambitions for promotion. This addition strengthens the club’s bench as they look to build consistency and strategic discipline across matches.

Between the lines, Juma’s appointment offers both experience and footballing insight. These are qualities that can galvanize young talent and provide the tactical edge needed in a long National Super League season.

As the campaign unfolds, all eyes will be on how his influence helps shape training, match preparation, and in-game decisions for a club eager to leave its mark.

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Champions League Table Shaken After Explosive Matchday Night of 18 Tasty Fixtures

by Zephany Warui Waweru
written by Zephany Warui Waweru

The UEFA Champions League table has taken on a new look after a breathtaking night of 18 fixtures delivered drama, statements, and a few cold realities.

The biggest winners are the clubs sitting comfortably in the automatic Round of 16 spots. Arsenal lead the way with a commanding 24 points from eight matches, showing consistency that contenders are built on. Close behind are Bayern Munich and Liverpool, both proving that pedigree still matters when the pressure rises in Europe.

But the real tension lives just below them.

Clubs like Tottenham, Barcelona, Chelsea, Sporting CP, and Manchester City remain in the top eight, yet none can afford to blink. One poor night at this stage, and the table can flip fast…… and this format, is punishing.

Then comes the danger zone, the knockout playoff places. This is where giants are walking a tightrope. Real Madrid and Inter sit just outside the automatic spots, forced into extra work to reach the Round of 16. PSG, Newcastle, and Juventus are also stuck in that uncomfortable middle ground: good enough to stay alive, not sharp enough to cruise through.

Between the lines, this is where pressure starts to whisper. These are clubs built for deep runs, not detours.

Further down, the picture is brutally clear. Several sides have already been eliminated, including Marseille, Ajax, Napoli, and Villarreal. Clubs with European history now watching the knockout rounds from home. It’s a reminder that reputation doesn’t earn points; performances do.

As a passionate fan, nights like these are why the Champions League hits different. The margins are razor-thin, and every match now carries the weight of a final.

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CAF Fines Morocco $315,000 as Senegal Keep AFCON 2025 Title

by Zephany Warui Waweru
written by Zephany Warui Waweru

CAF has come down hard on Morocco following incidents during the AFCON 2025 final. Issuing a $315,000 fine for multiple breaches of conduct. Also firmly rejecting an appeal that sought to have Senegal stripped of their continental crown.

From an analytical standpoint, CAF’s ruling sends two clear messages: matchday behaviour matters just as much as footballing performance, and disciplinary processes will not be used to rewrite results unless overwhelming evidence demands it.

According to the verdict, Morocco were sanctioned for ball boys’ misconduct, unsporting behaviour from members of the team, and supporters using laser pointers, actions CAF determined violated competition regulations and the principles of fair play and integrity.

This is CAF protecting the image of its biggest tournament. The AFCON final is supposed to be a celebration of African football; not a scene of chaos, distraction, and gamesmanship.

Just as significant is CAF’s decision to dismiss Morocco’s appeal to overturn Senegal’s triumph. That closes the door on any post-final controversy altering the history books. Senegal remain rightful champions, their victory standing both on the pitch and in the records.

For Morocco, the financial penalty is heavy, but the reputational message may weigh even more. CAF has made it clear: elite football demands elite conduct: from the bench, the stands, and even the sidelines.

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CAF Bans Senegal Coach Pape Bouna Thiaw for Five Matches After AFCON Final Incident

by Zephany Warui Waweru
written by Zephany Warui Waweru

The spotlight has shifted from celebration to consequence for Senegal head coach Pape Bouna Thiaw after the Confederation of African Football (CAF) handed him a five-match ban and a USD 100,000(12,895,000.00 Kenyan Shillings) fine for misconduct during the AFCON final.

CAF ruled that Thiaw’s behavior on the touchline crossed the line of acceptable conduct, stating that his actions breached the governing body’s principles of fair play and integrity and tarnished the image of the game on one of its biggest stages.

From an analytical lens, CAF’s decision sends a firm message: major tournaments demand not only elite performance from players, but discipline and composure from those on the sidelines. Finals are emotional cauldrons, but officials are increasingly unwilling to tolerate conduct that overshadows the sport itself.

For Senegal, the timing is delicate. The Lions of Teranga remain one of Africa’s powerhouses, and losing their head coach for five competitive matches could disrupt tactical continuity and dressing room leadership during a crucial period of fixtures.

Between the lines, this is also about image. AFCON finals are global showcases for African football. When the narrative drifts from brilliance on the pitch to controversy on the bench, CAF steps in to protect the tournament’s credibility.

Thiaw now faces the task of regaining trust while serving his suspension. A reminder that in modern football, leadership is judged not only by results, but by conduct under pressure.

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