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George Obell KRA

A senior official tasked with pursuing Kenya’s smallest tax defaulters is now at the centre of a staggering corruption storm, after court filings alleged that George Obell has amassed wealth running into nearly Sh30 billion—despite a decades-long career in public service.

The revelations, now before the Anti-Corruption Division of the High Court in Nairobi, have triggered parallel investigations by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) and the Asset Recovery Agency (ARA), placing the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) under intense scrutiny over its internal integrity controls.

The man chasing small taxpayers

Obell, Commissioner for the Micro and Small Taxpayers Department at Kenya Revenue Authority, has been the public face of aggressive crackdowns on informal sector traders—boda boda operators, small shop owners, and individuals filing nil returns.

Through high-profile campaigns, data-driven enforcement, and digital tools such as USSD platforms and chatbots, he has consistently warned Kenyans that no taxpayer is beyond the reach of the state.

But as those warnings intensified, a far more serious question was quietly building behind the scenes: how did a career tax official allegedly accumulate billions that dwarf any plausible lawful income?

The arithmetic that raises eyebrows

Court documents reviewed in the case paint a picture of what petitioners describe as “the arithmetic of impossibility.”

Obell has served at KRA for roughly 28 years, much of it as a Chief Manager earning an estimated monthly salary of about Sh468,000. Over two decades, this translates to roughly Sh112 million in gross earnings—before tax deductions.

Set against an alleged wealth base of Sh30 billion, the gap is not just significant—it is extraordinary.

Petitioner Jemimah Wafula, a Nairobi resident, has now moved to court seeking to block KRA from assigning Obell expanded responsibilities while investigations remain active, arguing that the discrepancy raises serious constitutional and ethical concerns.

Where the wealth allegedly grew

The filings point to Obell’s tenure in the International Tax Office—one of the most sensitive units within KRA—as the period during which his alleged wealth rapidly expanded.

This department oversees multinational taxation, transfer pricing, and cross-border financial flows—areas long flagged by auditors and investigators as high-risk zones for corruption due to the scale and complexity of transactions involved.

While no findings have yet been made against Obell, investigators are expected to examine whether his position may have exposed him to opportunities for illicit enrichment.

Explosive clearance certificate claims

Perhaps the most controversial allegation is that Obell obtained a clearance certificate from the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission while he was still under investigation.

According to court filings, the certificate was used to support his appointment as commissioner—raising serious questions about whether the integrity vetting process was compromised.

If proven, the claim would not only implicate individuals within oversight bodies but also expose systemic weaknesses in Kenya’s anti-corruption framework.

Lifestyle under scrutiny

The petition also raises concerns about Obell’s alleged lifestyle and assets, including claims linking him to Ciala Resort, a high-end hospitality facility in Kisumu County.

The resort—spanning dozens of acres and featuring conference facilities, luxury accommodation, and recreational amenities—has been cited as an example of the kind of high-value assets investigators are now examining.

Further allegations suggest that senior officials may have been hosted at such facilities, raising potential conflict-of-interest concerns if those same individuals participated in decisions affecting Obell’s career.

Promotion despite investigations

In March 2025, Kenya Revenue Authority restructured its domestic tax operations and created the Micro and Small Taxpayers Department, installing Obell as acting commissioner before confirming him later that year.

This confirmation reportedly occurred even as investigations by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission and Asset Recovery Agency were already underway.

Critics argue that the decision reflects a broader culture of impunity within public institutions, where pending investigations do not necessarily hinder career advancement.

Court battle begins

The matter is now before the High Court, where Wafula is seeking orders to suspend Obell’s expanded role pending the outcome of investigations.

The court has directed that KRA’s board be served, with the case scheduled for mention on May 4.

Legal analysts say the outcome could have far-reaching implications—not just for Obell, but for how public institutions handle integrity concerns in senior appointments.

A test of institutional credibility

At the heart of the case lies a deeper question about accountability.

KRA, which enforces strict compliance on millions of Kenyans, now finds itself under pressure to explain how one of its top officials rose through the ranks amid allegations of unexplained wealth on such a massive scale.

The irony is stark: a man who warned small traders that “every shilling counts” may soon be required to account for billions.

Neither Obell nor Kenya Revenue Authority had responded to requests for comment by the time of publication.

As investigations by the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission and Asset Recovery Agency continue, the case is shaping up to be one of the most closely watched corruption probes in recent years—one that could redefine public trust in Kenya’s tax system.

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A dramatic seizure of a suspicious shipping container in Kamakis on the outskirts of Nairobi has exposed what investigators describe as one of the most sophisticated tax evasion and smuggling operations in recent years, drawing in Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), the Directorate of Criminal Investigations (DCI), and Interpol.

The container, numbered MAGU5438993, had originated from the United States, passed through the Port of Mombasa, and was cleared through the Compact Special Economic Zone in Nairobi under what authorities now term “deeply irregular” circumstances. It was intercepted at Viken Thirty Industrial Park just hours before disappearing into Kenya’s vast informal trade networks.

Whistleblower Tip Sparks High-Level Investigation

The operation was triggered by an internal whistleblower within KRA who flagged irregularities in the container’s clearance. The tip-off prompted immediate action from the Commissioner General’s office, leading to the targeted interception.

Investigators say the container had already been issued with official customs release documentation—raising red flags about possible insider collusion within the verification system.

The seizure has since triggered a multi-agency investigation, with several senior KRA verification officers now facing interdiction and possible prosecution.


Key Suspects: Dual Citizen and Nairobi-Based Associate

At the center of the probe is Peter Mwaniki Maina, a Kenyan national with dual U.S. citizenship, believed to have orchestrated the smuggling network.

Authorities allege that Maina coordinated an international syndicate exploiting Kenya’s customs systems, with his second wife, Stacy Wangari Njiri, playing a key operational role locally.

Njiri is reportedly linked to the handling, storage, and redistribution of the goods within Nairobi, operating from a residence along Kiambu Road.

The pair are said to have promoted a logistics firm, Arisilva Logistics, which investigators suspect served as a front for the illegal operation.

Neither suspect had been formally charged at the time of publication, with authorities emphasizing that investigations remain ongoing.


How the Smuggling Scheme Worked

According to investigators, the syndicate exploited loopholes in Kenya’s returning residents tax exemption programme, which allows citizens living abroad to import personal goods duty-free.

Authorities allege the suspects:

  • Used falsified identities and documentation
  • Declared commercial goods as personal effects
  • Secured fraudulent tax exemptions
  • Leveraged insider access within KRA systems to clear shipments

The seized container reportedly arrived aboard the vessel CMA CGM Puccini on February 21, 2026, shipped via ECU Worldwide USA and processed through multiple logistics channels before reaching Nairobi.

Preliminary findings suggest the shipment may have contained undeclared goods, including suspected counterfeit items and possibly illicit substances—expanding the case beyond tax evasion into organized crime and public safety concerns.


Wider Crackdown at Mombasa Port

The Kamakis seizure is part of a broader enforcement crackdown at the Port of Mombasa, where KRA recently uncovered another tax evasion scheme involving fraudulent digital payment records.

In that operation:

  • Six KRA officials were interdicted
  • 21 clearing agents had licenses suspended
  • KSh 452.5 million in unpaid taxes was recovered

Investigators found fake invoices logged in both iTax and customs systems, falsely indicating tax payments via M-Pesa transactions that never occurred—so-called “digital ghost payments.”


Kenya’s Ports Under Pressure from Organized Crime

The latest scandal adds to a growing list of high-profile smuggling cases linked to Kenya’s main trade gateway.

Recent incidents include:

  • Disappearance of 199 containers of rice worth over KSh 120 million in 2025
  • Interception of 9.37 million contraband cigarettes valued at KSh 281.1 million in January 2026
  • Seizure of 23 smuggled prime movers with altered chassis numbers across multiple countries

Experts say criminal networks are increasingly exploiting:

  • Tax exemption loopholes
  • Insider corruption within clearance systems
  • High cargo volumes that limit physical inspections

Interpol Involvement Signals Global Reach

The entry of Interpol into the investigation underscores the transnational nature of the syndicate.

Authorities believe the network may span multiple jurisdictions, with potential links to international supply chains and financial systems.

If charges are filed and proven, suspects could face prosecution under multiple legal frameworks, including:

  • East African Community Customs Management Act
  • Kenya’s Tax Procedures Act
  • Proceeds of Crime and Anti-Money Laundering Act

Extradition proceedings are also a possibility, given the international dimension of the case.


KRA Intensifies Anti-Corruption Reforms

The scandal comes as KRA ramps up internal reforms aimed at combating fraud and revenue leakage.

The authority recently appointed a new Commissioner for Investigations and Enforcement and is rolling out advanced intelligence systems to track suspicious transactions and build detailed risk profiles.

Internal data shows a sharp rise in corruption-related dismissals, signaling both increased malpractice and improved detection capacity.


Unanswered Questions and Ongoing Probe

Despite the breakthrough, critical questions remain:

  • How many similar consignments have slipped through undetected?
  • How deep is insider collusion within customs systems?
  • Is this syndicate part of a larger, entrenched network?

Investigations by KRA, DCI, and Interpol are ongoing, with officials suggesting that the individuals identified so far may represent only a fraction of those involved.

As the probe widens, the case is expected to test the integrity of Kenya’s customs systems and could mark a turning point in the fight against organized smuggling and tax evasion.

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Del Monte Kenya

Multinational pineapple producer caught red-handed siphoning profits offshore while ordinary Kenyans shoulder crippling tax burden

The veil has been lifted on one of Kenya’s most brazen corporate tax scandals, with Del Monte Kenya now facing a KSh1.76 billion bill after a tribunal exposed how the multinational used shadowy offshore deals to rob the country of desperately needed public funds.

In a damning ruling that has sent shockwaves through Kenya’s corporate sector, the Tax Appeals Tribunal dismissed Del Monte’s appeal and upheld the Kenya Revenue Authority’s assessment, confirming what ordinary Kenyans have long suspected: some of the country’s biggest and most profitable companies are systematically cheating the tax system while workers and small businesses are squeezed to breaking point.

The case centers on transfer pricing, a complex financial maneuver that allows multinationals to manipulate the prices they charge their own foreign subsidiaries, artificially slashing their Kenyan profits and shifting billions to tax havens where rates are lower or non-existent.

KRA’s 2018 audit uncovered that Del Monte was using a cost-plus pricing model that grossly undervalued its Kenyan operations while funneling inflated profits to related companies abroad, particularly its Swiss affiliate DMI GmbH. The tribunal found the pineapple giant could not justify why it was earning modest returns in Kenya, where all the real work happens, while its offshore entities raked in the profits.

“The tribunal found that the pineapple giant could not justify why it was shifting profits to offshore companies when the real value of the business is created in Kenya,” the ruling stated, laying bare the mechanics of corporate tax abuse.

Del Monte had argued it was simply following a standard cost-plus approach, applying a meager 4.83 percent markup to its costs when selling to its Swiss sister company. The firm insisted this was fair compensation for its role as a manufacturer supplying a related distributor.

But the tribunal was having none of it. Judges ruled that Del Monte’s documentation failed to reflect the economic reality of its massive Kenyan operations. The company could not explain why the Kenyan business, which does all the planting, harvesting, processing and initial distribution, should earn only a pittance while foreign affiliates that simply handle onwards sales captured the lion’s share of profits.

The ruling also exposed Del Monte’s attempts to obscure its corporate structure. The company claimed a multi-billion shilling intercompany loan came from Del Monte Fund B.V., owned by its ultimate parent in the Cayman Islands, a notorious tax haven. But KRA presented registry records proving the lending entity was actually wholly owned by the Swiss affiliate, a finding Del Monte could not refute with official documentation.

The KSh1.76 billion that Del Monte sought to avoid paying could have transformed lives across Kenya. According to the Kenya Human Rights Commission, which welcomed the tribunal’s decision, that money could build 1,760 public school classrooms, construct eight fully equipped county hospitals, tarmac 29 kilometers of road, employ over 3,500 nurses or teachers for a year, or fund multiple rural water projects.

Instead, while Del Monte contested billions in taxes through expensive legal battles, ordinary Kenyans were being told to tighten their belts, accept higher VAT on basic goods, and pay new levies on essential services.

The Kenya Human Rights Commission pulled no punches in its response, accusing Del Monte and other multinationals of looting what rightfully belongs to Kenyan citizens.

“For years, ordinary Kenyans have been told to tighten their belts, pay more VAT, and accept new levies on basic goods and services. However, some of the country’s largest and most profitable corporations, like Del Monte, continue to contest paying billions in taxes aggressively. This is unjust and unacceptable,” the commission said in a scathing press statement.

The rights body warned that corporate tax evasion weakens the state’s ability to deliver basic services and shifts the tax burden onto workers, small businesses and low-income households. When multinationals dodge taxes, children sit in overcrowded classrooms, patients go without medicine, and communities lack clean water.

KHRC revealed it is now examining other corporations, focusing on the land they occupy, the terms of their leases, and what they actually pay in land rates and taxes. Early findings suggest the scale of revenue loss will shock many Kenyans, especially at a time when households are strained by PAYE, VAT and rising levies on basic necessities.

The commission is demanding sweeping reforms to stop multinationals from bleeding the country dry. It wants all foreign corporations operating in Kenya to publicly disclose their revenues, profits, taxes paid, number of employees and assets for each country where they operate. It is calling for a dedicated, well-resourced program for annual transfer pricing audits targeting high-risk sectors like agribusiness, extractives, manufacturing, energy and digital services.

Where aggressive tax avoidance is proven, KHRC insists penalties must go beyond mere recovery of tax and interest to include heavy punitive fines and possible criminal investigations. The commission wants strict restrictions on the deductibility of management fees, marketing fees, royalties, and interest on related-party loans unless companies can demonstrate clear economic substance.

It is also demanding publication of an annual list of the largest corporate taxpayers and companies with major unresolved tax disputes, joint work with the Ministry of Lands to establish a public register linking large landholdings to tax records, and active challenges to treaty shopping and artificial routing of payments through low-tax jurisdictions.

Most provocatively, KHRC wants companies with histories of aggressive tax avoidance barred from receiving tax incentives, accessing public procurement or benefiting from any form of state support.

The Del Monte case is not an isolated incident but part of a broader pattern. KHRC’s 2025 publication “Who Owns Kenya?” revealed how corporate tax abuse fuels inequality and leaves essential public services underfunded. The report showed that while multinationals employ armies of accountants and lawyers to minimize their tax bills, schools crumble, hospitals run out of drugs, and roads remain impassable.

Tax justice campaigners say Kenya loses billions annually to profit shifting by multinationals. A 2024 study estimated that African countries collectively lose around $88.6 billion per year to illicit financial flows, with transfer pricing abuse being a major component. Kenya is believed to lose between $1.1 billion and $1.5 billion annually, though the true figure may be higher given the opacity of multinational operations.

The global context makes Kenya’s predicament even more galling. Multinationals operating in Africa often pay far lower effective tax rates than their statutory obligations would suggest, using intricate structures involving subsidiaries in places like Mauritius, the Netherlands, Switzerland and the Cayman Islands to minimize their African tax footprint.

Del Monte Kenya has not publicly commented on the tribunal ruling or indicated whether it will seek further appeals. The company’s managing director Wayne Cook has previously defended the firm’s tax practices as compliant with Kenyan law.

But the tribunal’s decision suggests that era may be ending. Tax authorities worldwide are cracking down on transfer pricing abuses, and Kenya appears determined to claim its fair share of the wealth generated on its soil.

For the millions of Kenyans struggling with the rising cost of living, the Del Monte case crystallizes a profound injustice. While they pay tax on every shilling they earn and every item they buy, some of the wealthiest corporations doing business in Kenya deploy sophisticated schemes to avoid contributing their fair share to the country that provides their workers, their infrastructure, their markets and ultimately their profits.

The question now is whether the Del Monte ruling marks a turning point or remains an isolated victory in a long war against corporate tax abuse. With KHRC and other civil society organizations now turning their spotlight on other multinationals, and with KRA apparently emboldened by its tribunal win, more corporate tax scandals may soon come to light.

What is certain is that ordinary Kenyans are watching, and they are running out of patience with a system that squeezes the poor while allowing the powerful to game the rules. The Del Monte case has proven that when authorities have the will to act, corporate tax dodgers can be held to account. Now Kenyans want to see that will applied across the board, to every multinational that treats Kenya as a place to extract wealth rather than a country deserving of fair contribution to the common good.

The KSh1.76 billion Del Monte must now pay is not just a number on a balance sheet. It represents classrooms that can be built, hospitals that can be equipped, roads that can be paved, and services that can be delivered. It represents a small measure of justice in a system that has for too long favored corporate interests over the public good.

As the tribunal put it bluntly: multinationals cannot use paperwork to export profits when the actual work, risks and value addition happen on Kenyan soil. That principle, if consistently enforced, could transform Kenya’s fiscal landscape and ensure that those who profit from Kenya also contribute to Kenya’s development.

The battle is far from over, but for once, the people of Kenya can claim a victory.

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KRA
  • The KRA officers demanded a Ksh120,000 bribe as a condition for the release of goods they had confiscated from the traveler.
  • The traveler refused to pay the bribe and instead reported the matter to EACC.
  • They are being detained at the Industrial Area police station, awaiting to be arraigned in court on Monday.

Detectives from the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (EACC) have arrested two Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) officers for demanding a bribe from a traveler.

EACC, in a statement issued on Saturday, February 22, 2025, said that the officers identified as Mutava Lawrence and Timothy Momanyi were arrested on Friday evening at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport (JKIA).

According to EACC, the two officers demanded a Ksh120,000 bribe as a condition for the release of goods they had confiscated from the traveler.

“As part of the ongoing crackdown on bribery at service delivery points, the EACC arrested Mutava Lawrence and Timothy Momanyi, employees of the Kenya Revenue Authority deployed as customs officers at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport, for allegedly demanding a KES 120,000 bribe as a condition for the release of goods they had confiscated from a traveler,” EACC said.

The traveler refused to pay the bribe and instead reported the matter to EACC, after which the anti-graft agency swung into action and arrested the suspects as they received the bribe they had demanded.

A search was conducted on them, and a total of Ksh 297,000 was recovered, which is suspected to be proceeds of corruption.

They are being detained at the Industrial Area police station, awaiting to be arraigned in court on Monday.

“The Commission conducted an operation and arrested the suspects on Friday evening while receiving the bribe. After the arrest, a search was conducted on the suspects’ cars where KES297,000 suspected to be proceeds of corruption and a firearm were recovered. The suspects are held at Industrial Area Police Station awaiting further processing,” the EACC said.

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Amidst the controversy over the rising cost of fuel in Kenya, petroleum CS John Munyes got himself on the wrong side after being fined by the National Assembly Committee on Finance Ksh 500,000 for failing to appear before the committee to answer questions over the rise in fuel prices.

Munyes wrote to the committee that he is in South Sudan on an official duty.

While addressing the matter, the committee’s chairperson Gladys Wanga said their report will show that John Munyes has been uncooperative.

A week ago on Tuesday, the Finance and National Planning Committee which is leading the investigation into the fuel prices in the country was given an additional of seven days to dig into fuel costings criteria.

The committee has been investigating the costing of fuel in the last two weeks and has held face to face meetings with 10 shareholders including the Energy and Petroleum Regulatory Authority (EPRA), the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA), Treasury and the Ministry of Petroleum as well as receiving written submissions.

The probe by the committee originated from a petition which sought to vacate value added tax (VAT) from the costing of fuel products as a means to bring relief to Kenyans.

Fuel costs hit the headlines once more on September 14 as EPRA effected an unprecedented hike to fuel costs sending costs pasts Ksh. 135 per liter across the country.

Petroleum CS John Munyes earlier ruled out any fuel price reduction, blaming the National Treasury for failing to release Ksh. 24 billion meant for price stabilization.

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Activist Boniface Mwangi had an unusual day on Friday after finding himself on the wrong side of some General Service Unit (GSU) officers who had accompanied NMS officers who had initially identied themselves as KRA officers.

The officers were going around Nairobi CBD buildings to arrest people doing business without proper permits.

In a video that has sparked uproar and praises towards Mwangi in equal measures, he is heard asking the men in civilian and a GSU officer to show their IDs.

Despite the police officer identifying himself, Mwangi adamantly told them to produce their IDs lest they won’t make any arrests.

“Nani ako na ID hapa from KRA?(Who has an ID here from KRA?) identify yourselves. Uniform sio kitambulisho (Police uniform cannot be used as a sign of ID),” Mwangi said while referring to the police officer.

He took to his twitter account to narrate the fiasco and shared the videos he recorded earlier.

“Thread of how broken our country is. I was at my barbershop when these young men walked in, with a GSU officer and arrested the receptionist. We asked them to identify themselves, they said they were from KRA but they didn’t have IDs. We asked them to call someone who had an ID.”

The men looked undeterred by Boniface’s demands and had confidence because there were accompanied by the police. It seems he (Mwangi) irked them and they decided to call for back up.

A scuffle soon ensued when a woman came and showed them her ID while asking why Mwangi was recording them.

“Madam unaitwa nani? kwa nini mnakuja kushika watu bila ID? hawa watu tumewauliza hawana ID,” Mwangi asked before other police officers intervened. This loosely translates to (“Madam what is your name? why do you come to arrest people without your IDs? we have asked these people but they have no ID.)

Mwangi also said they found out that the young men and GSU officers were under the command of Nairobi Metropolitan Services (NMS) employee.

“It’s Friday and they’re picking people from shops, beating them and taking them to a lorry for not having “branding licences.'”

“Because I recorded them, the GSU officers wanted to take my phone, I refused and in my attempt to run away, I fell. They caught up with me, and beat me up. Even after the beating I didn’t hand over the phone,” continued Mwangi on his post.

Mwangi further said no one was arrested because they raised their voices to protest. “I was slightly injured. The harassment and the brutalization of innocent citizens going about their business was captured on their building’s CCTV.”

Watch the video in Mwang’s Twitter thread below.

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Businesses are hopeful as they wait the Kenya Revenue Authority (KRA) to refund money it collected as minimum tax. The tax body argued that the High Court ruling that Section 12D of the Income Tax unconstitutional means that the taxman has to start refunding the collected revenues.

KRA has however moved to the Court of Appeal to challenge the High Court’s judgement made on September 20, 2021; that stopped it from collecting the minimum tax at the rate of 1% of the gross turnover.

This minimum turnover is based on gross turnover and not gains or profits, and that all businesses even those making loses are required to pay.

High Court Judge Justice George Odunga ruled that the government’s plan to impose a minimum tax on businesses even when the business reports loss is illegal.

The minimum tax took effect in January 2021 after changes were made on the Income Tax Act in 2020. KRA’s move to the Court of Appeal shows its attempt to enforce the collection of Ksh 21 billion from businesses in the year to June, 2022 an effort to plug its revenue shortfalls.

Treasury CS Ukur Yatani told Parliament that the High Court’s judgement left KRA with sh 22 billion budget deficit.

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Did you think your M-Pesa transactions were secure? Not if KRA has its way.

The Kenya Revenue Authority now plans to track our M-Pesa transactions to establish if what you declare on your tax returns matches what goes in and out of your mobile wallet.

The authority needs to collect  Sh1.9 trillion this year to finance the government’s Sh3.02 trillion budget.

So just to be sure you at not shortchanging the state, KRA plans to access and keep track of your financial flows through M-Pesa, PesaLink, PayPal and other mobile money platforms.The data will help the taxman match it with your returns to see if the figures are consistent.

Also on KRA’s radar for revenue are companies operating digitally in Kenya but with foreign physical addresses, such as Facebook, Twitter, Uber and Amazon among others.

KRA officials told the Star authority is aware of evolving businesses in the country, most of which have gone digital, hence generating money online.

Joseline Ogai, KRA deputy commissioner for Research, Knowledge Management and Corporate Planning, and Maurice Orei, a deputy commissioner in charge of Policy, said the authority has embarked on data matching in an increasingly digital economy.

In an exclusive, wide-ranging interview at Times Towers, the officials said data matching will help it monitor the transaction and reconcile the tax returns with the financial flows relating to an individual or company.

“We are taking data matching very seriously as our next frontier in digital revenue monitoring. Soon, we will be able to catch tax cheats who make nil or few entries in their tax filings, yet the money they generate online is high,” Ogai said.

“You cannot say you file less in returns but the amount of money you handle in your M-Pesa, maybe generated from your side hustles, is high and you are not declaring,” he said.

The deputy commissioners said the new approach is based on the fact that the informal sector is fledgeling and the conventional way of tracking financial flows has led to a lot of leaks.

“When I pay my mechanic, I use a mobile platform such as M-Pesa as the transaction is quick and informal. So if you look at that person [the mechanic], you may think he has no income yet he has, but informally, and he does not declare,” Ogai said.

He said while most commercial entities with mobile payment platforms such as paybill tills have a mechanism of tax compliance, numerous others avoid the tills, requiring their customers to pay via M-Pesa but in the conventional way of sending money directly.

They too must be netted to pay their fair share, Ogai said.

The use of data matching, according to the deputy commissioners, is already paying off. They cited cases in which high-profile business entities were spotted for allegedly evading paying tax by manipulating the system.

In one case, Ogai said, the data KRA had in its system had created a pattern over the years but they changed suddenly over a period, raising suspicion.

“We have data from the annual returns. The data includes the amount of salaries the corporates pay, their revenues and the tax they should pay. If we get less, we must get an explanation,” he said.

Further, the taxman will now connect money trails to monitor payments in the economy so that “we see if people receiving the payments as well as those making them are declaring,” Ogai said

“We will be asking you, ‘Why are you declaring this much [if it is less], yet so and so received payments from you, suggesting that your earning is higher?,” he said.

The push by KRA to monitor your mobile money transaction record is not new.

In 2016, giant telco Safaricom rejected the Treasury-backed taxman’s quest to gain unfettered access to its customers’ mobile money records.

KRA justified its move then, as now, that it was after busting tax cheats and widening the tax base.

In rebuffing KRA, Safaricom said there were no legal regimes that would allow the taxman access to the customer data as it would be a breach of confidentiality.

To address this hurdle, the officials told the Star that KRA is pinning its hopes on the Data Protection Bill already before the National Assembly to clear any grey areas that have barred it from accessing individuals’ digital money data.

Section 7 of the Data Protection Bill, which is undergoing stakeholder participation before the Senate, gives public institutions a sweeping mandate to access personal data without first seeking permission from an individual.

“An agency shall, subject to Subsection (2), where it requires personal data from a person, collect such information directly from the data subject for a purpose which is specific, explicitly defined and lawful,” the draft law reads.

These lawful purposes include prevention, detection, investigation, prosecution, and punishment of crime or complying with an obligation imposed by law.

“It is not that there are no laws empowering KRA to generate revenue from online transactions. But the hue and cry that arose when we first sought to implement this approach will be addressed by the Data Protection Bill currently before the House,” Orei said.

The officials said KRA is under immense pressure to generate more revenue to fund government ambitious projects, such as the Big Four agenda. Such pressure is normal, they said.

Foreign companies

Ride-hailing services such as Uber and Taxify as well as online malls such as Jumia and Kilimall among others will be accessed through this arrangement.

Facebook, Inc., the American online social media and social networking service company, is based in Menlo Park, California. Twitter is also American, headquartered in San Francisco, California.

Taxi-hailing company Uber is headquartered in the same city.

All of these companies operate in the country but their revenue is repatriated to their home countries.

Orei said the tax authority has entered into international partnerships that would see it appoint tax representatives abroad to assist it with collecting revenues for companies resident there.

For example, he said, Amazon which digitally operates in Kenya but has physical office addresses outside KRA’s jurisdiction, will be taxed through an appointed tax representative.

The representative will then remit revenues to KRA.

“All the companies even PayPal, Facebook, Twitter and others will now remit their revenues to our representatives in the countries where they are domiciled for onward remittance to us to help the government fund its projects,” Orei said.

The international partnership envisaged will only be realised if MPs ratify an international tax alliance framework called the Mutual Agreement Contract (MAC), which the authority signed recently.

“The MAC framework is already before the lawmakers to ratify and domesticate. We hope they expedite this so that it starts rolling,” Orei said, emphasising that this was part of the wider policy to broaden the tax bracket and collect more revenue.

CREDITS: Source Link

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